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It occurred long since to the author, that our national 
records might be made available to illustrate the history 
of architecture in England. Strongly impressed with this 
opinion, he began, sixteen years ago, to note down every 
fact bearing on the subject which offered in the course of 
daily reference to those records for professional objects. It 
is in respect only of the information thus accumulated, that 
he can claim any credit for the present work ; and he trusts 
that before it is concluded the value of these ancient docu- 
ments, as unerring guides in the investigation of the his- 
tory of art in this country, from the close of the twelfth 
century, will be fully established. 

A similar work was undertaken and announced some 
years since by Mr. R. C. Hussey, but the numerous and 
continually increasing professional engagements of that 
gentleman compelled him to resign the undertaking. The 
drawings and engravings prepared for his work have, 
therefore, with his consent, been incorporated in the pre- 
sent. Many of these are from the valuable original 
sketches of W. Twopeny, Esq. ; others from those of 
Edward Blore, Esq., R.A., who very liberally allowed the 
use of any of his drawings. Several drawings have been 
obligingly communicated by Alexander Nesbitt, Esq., who 
also placed his notes at the author's disposal. 


The author gladly takes this opportunity to acknowledge 
the valuable assistance he has received from his friend 
Mr. J. H. Parker of Oxford, whose knowledge of archi- 
tectural detail has largely contributed to the descriptions 
of the various examples of ancient Domestic Architecture 
given in the following pages. The notices of French 
remains were prepared by Mr. Parker during a tour 
in the west of France, in the summer of 1850, in com- 
pany with M. G. Bouet, the artist of Caen, from whose 
drawings the engravings are taken. M. Viollet Le-Duc 
of Paris, and M. de Caumont of Caen, have also given 
much valuable assistance. He has also to thank Mr. 
O. Jewitt for many useful notes and suggestions. 

April, 1851. 



The Romans in England. — Their villas and houses. — Ordinary- 
plan of a Roman house. — Method of building. — The Saxons. — 
Their style of building ; they probably occupied Roman houses. 
— A Saxon hall. — Houses of "Winchester and London in the 
Saxon period. — Decoration of buildings. — Romanesque style of 
architecture introduced during the Saxon period. — Drawings in 
Saxon MSS., their character and value as architectural evidence. 
— The Greek, or Byzantine school ; its influence on Saxon art. — 
Antiquity of chimneys ; none at Rome in the fourteenth century. 
— Character of the military buildings of the Saxons. — The castles 
of Coningsburgh and Bamborough later than the Saxon period. 
— Arundel, the only castle said to have been standing in the 
time of the Confessor. — Norman castles. — Domestic architecture 
of the Normans. — Stone quarries. — Use of plaster. — Bricks and 
tiles. — Brick-making, its antiquity in England. — Masons and 
other workmen. — Glazing. — Iron works in England. — Architec- 
tural designs of the middle ages, how made. — Working moulds 
of masons, &c. p. i. — xxxii. 

CHAPTER I. Twelfth Centuey. 

Geneeal eemaeks. — Imperfect character of existing remains 
of the twelfth century. — Materials for the history of Domestic 
architecture ; their nature. — General plan of houses at this date. 
— Halls. — Other apartments of ordinary houses. — Bed-chamber, 
kitchen, larder, &c— King's houses at Clarendon and other 



places. — Hall, always the chief feature of a Norman house. — 
Alexander Necham, his description of a house. — Plan of Norman 
halls. — Their roofs.— Situation of other apartments relatively to 
the hall. — Kitchens. — Cooking in the open air. — Bayeux tapes- 
try. — Eemains of a Norman house at Appleton, Berks. — Fences, 
walls, &c. — Some Norman houses built in the form of a parallelo- 
gram, and of two stories. — Boothby Pagnell, Lincolnshire. — 
Christ-church, Hants. — Jews' House at Lincoln. — Moyses' Hall, 
Bury St. Edmund's. — Staircases internal and external. — External 
Norman stair at Canterbury. — Houses at Southampton. — Build- 
ing materials. — Use of lead for roofs. — English lead exported to 
Erance. — Style of Norman roofs. — Metal work; hinges, locks, 
nail-heads, &c. — Gloucester celebrated for its iron manufactures. 
External decoration of buildings. — Windows. — Glazing. — Eire- 
places. — Kitchens open in the roof. — Hostelry of the prior of 
Lewes. — Internal walls plastered. — Eurniture of houses ; tapes- 
try, &c. — Eloors, generally of wood. — Character of London 
houses in the twelfth century. — Assize of 1189 regulating build- 
ings in London. — Assize of the year 1212 relating to the same 
subject. — Majority of London houses chiefly of wood and thatched. 
— "Wages of workmen. — Cook shops on Thames side. — Chimneys 
not mentioned in the London Assizes. — Camerse privatse. 

p. 1-27 

CHAPTEE II. Existing Eemains. 

Oakham castle, Eutlandshire. — The King's house, Southamp- 
ton. — Minster, Isle of Thanet. — Christ-church, Hants. — Manor- 
house at Appleton. — Sutton Courtney, Berks. — St. Mary's 
Guild, and Jews' houses, Lincoln. — Staircase, Canterbury. — 
"Warnford, Hants. — Eountain's abbey. — Priory, Dover.— -Moyses' 
Hall, Bury St. Edmund's. — Hostelry of the prior of Lewes, 
Southwark. — Boothby Pagnell, Lincolnshire. — Barnack, North- 
amptonshire. — School of Pythagoras, Cambridge. — Notes on re- 
mains of Early Domestic Architecture in Erance. p. 28—56 


CHAPTER III. Thirteenth Century. 

General Remarks. — Hall at Winchester. — Reign of Henry 
III. remarkable for the progress of architecture. — Condition of 
Norman castles in the thirteenth century. — Plan of manor-houses 
at this date. — House built for Edward I. at Woolmer, Hants. — 
Description of house at Toddington, by M. Paris. — Meaning of 
term Palatium. — Longthorpe. — Stoke Say castle. — West Deane, 
Sussex. — Aydon castle. — Little Wenham Hall. — Two halls at 
Westminster, temp. Henry III. — Temporary buildings erected 
at Westminster for the coronation of Edward I. — Private hos- 
pitality in this century. — Kitchens. — Wardrobes. — Influence of 
feudal manners on Domestic architecture. — Building materials. 
— Wood extensively used. Manor-house of timber engraved on a 
personal seal. — Extensive use of plaster. — Roofs of the thirteenth 
century. — Windows. — Glass and glazing. — Digression on the 
history of glass-making in England. — No glass made in England 
until the fifteenth century. — Wooden lattices, fenestrals, &c. — 

Eire-places and chimneys. — Mantels Staircases, external and 

internal. — Internal decoration of houses. — Wainscote Poly- 
chrome. — Artists of the time of Henry III. ; their style. — Their 

names Spurs. — Screens &c. — Tapestry not used in private 

dwellings in the thirteenth century. Elooring. — Tiles. — Baths. 
■ — Camerse privatse. — Conduits and drains. — Houses in towns. — 
Parisian houses. — Other foreign examples. — Eurniture. — Car- 
pets. — General state of England in the thirteenth century. — 
State of towns. — London and Winchester compared. — Travell- 
ing. — Hackneymen. — Inns. — State of trade in England. — Agri- 
culture. — Remarks on horticulture. p. 57 — 147 


Thirteenth Century. Existing Remains. 

Aydon castle, Northumberland. — G-odmersham, Kent. — Little 
Wenham Hall, Suffolk. — Longthorpe, near Peterborough. — 
Charney Basset, Berks. — Master's House, St. John's Hospital, 


Northampton. — Stoke-Say castle, Shropshire. — Coggs, Oxford- 
shire. — Cottesford, Oxfordshire. — Parsonage house, "West Tar- 
ring, Sussex. — Archdeacon's house, Peterborough. — Crowhurst, 
Sussex. — Bishop's palace, Wells. — Woodcroft castle, North- 
amptonshire. — Old rectory house, "West Deane, Sussex. — Acton 
Burnell, Shropshire. — Somerton castle, Lincolnshire. — Old Soar, 
Kent. — The King's Hall at Winchester. — The Priory, Winches- 
ter. — Strangers' Hall, Winchester. — House at Oakham, known 
as Flore's House. — Thame, Oxfordshire. — Chipping-Norton, Ox- 
fordshire. — Middleton Cheney, Oxfordshire. — Sutton Courtney, 
Berkshire. p. 148—180 


Historical Illustrations : 

Extracts from the Liberate Rolls of Henry III., 1229—1259, 
relating to the following places. 

Bridgenorth. — Brigstock. — Brill. — Bristol. — Canterbury. — 
Clarendon. — Cliff. — Clipstone. — Corfe Castle. — Dover. — Dublin. 

Evereswell Feckenham Preemantle. — Geddington Gilling- 

ham. — Gloucester. — Guildford. — Havering. — Hereford. — Hert- 
ford. — Kennington. — Litchfield.— London, (tower). — Ely House. 

— Ludgershall Marlborough — Newcastle. — Northampton. 

Nottingham. — Oxford. — Rochester. — Sherbourn.— Silverstone. — 
Westminster. — Winchester. — Windsor. — Woodstock. 


General remarks. — Treves. — Laon. — Ratisbon. — Gondorf. 
— Metz.— Toulouse. _ Laon.— Bree.— Coucy. — Carden. _ Tours. 
—Angers— Pontevrault, (kitchen.)— Perigueux.— St. Emilion.— - 
Mont St. Michel.— Beauvais. p. 264 274 

p. 275—287. 




Hall of Oakham castle, Eutland, interior . Frontispiece. 
House with external staircase. — Cooking in the open air. 

From the Bayeux Tapestry . . . .5 

Appleton, Berks, doorway of the hall . . . .6 

Examples of roofs, tiles, and shingles ; taken from manuscripts, 

two plates . . . . . .8 

Battlements, from MSS. . . . . . ib. 

Iron-work on doors, from MSS., two plates . . .10 

Coloured exteriors of houses, from MSS. and Bayeux tapestry . 11 
Fire-place, Colchester castle, Essex . . . .12 

Eire-place, Boothby Pagnell, Lincolnshire.— Eire-place, Rochester 

castle, Kent . . . . . . ib. 

Examples of furniture, beds, cradle, seat, and drapery ; from MSS. 14 
Furniture : seats, footstools, and curtains ; from MSS., and 

Bayeux tapestry, three plates . . . .16 

Hall of Oakham castle, south-east view . . . .28 

Ground-plan . . . . . . ib. 

"Windows and principal doorway . . . .30 

Capitals of pillars and south-east corbel . . . ib. 

Hipknobs, springstone, and section . . . ib. 

Town wall, Southampton. Plan of house adjoining . . 34 

Interior and exterior of the same . . . . ib. 

House at Minster, Isle of Thanet . . . .37 

Christ-church, Hampshire, house at . . .38 

Part of St. Mary's Guild, Lincoln . . . .40 

The Jews' House, Lincoln . . . . . ib. 

Staircase, leading to the Registry at Canterbury . . 42 

Plan of house at Warnford, Hants . 4 . . ib. 



Kefectory of the priory, Dover, exterior 


Interior ....... 


Ground-plan ...... 


Moyses' Hall, Bury St. Edmund's, window, exterior and interior 


Lower story of the hostelry of the prior of Lewes, Southwark . 


Boothby Pagnell, Lincolnshire, manor-house, two plates 


Barnack, Northamptonshire, manor-house 


Baking. — Melting metals. — Cooking. Illustrations from MSS. 

in Bodleian Library ..... 


Seal, representing a manor-house of the thirteenth century (text) 


Eire-place, Abingdon abbey, Berks .... 


Eire-place in the kitchen, abbey of Beauport, Brittany. — Eire- 

place of wood and plaster, Carden on the Moselle, 

Germany ...... 


Eurniture. — Table in the chapter-house, Salisbury. — Table in 

the kitchen of the Strangers' Hall, Winchester . 


Illustrations of furniture, from illuminated MSS. 


Back of the Coronation chair, "Westminster abbey 


Pottery, domestic utensils, &c; from MSS. in the Bodleian 

Library ....... 


Illustrations from MSS., well, granary, &c. 


Illustrations from painted glass, Bourges. — Trades and occupa- 

tions ....... 


Aydon castle, Northumberland ; general external view . 


View within the walls ..... 


Court, with external staircase .... 


Angle of court ...... 


Chimney, and part of front ..... 


Three windows . 


Eire-place, window, and drain .... 


Eire-place and plan ...... 


Plans of ground floor and upper story 


Court-lodge, Grodmersham, Kent .... 


Little Wenham Hall, Suffolk ; general view 


Ditto and ground-plan ..... 


"Windows and entrance to chapel .... 


Masonry, coping, &c. ..... 


Longthorpe, near Peterborough ..... 




House at Charney, Berks ; west front .... 154 

Ground-plan . . . . . . ib. 

Interior of Solar . . . . . . ib. 

Chapel, exterior and interior . . . . ib. 

Fire-place and plan of south wing . . . . ib. 

Master's house, St. John's Hospital, Northampton; plan . 156 

Eoof and drain . . . . . . ib. 

Stoke-Say castle, Shropshire ; front of the hall from court-yard 158 

Ground-plan . . . . . . ib. 

Interior of the hall . . . . . . ib. 

Tower, from the exterior . . . . . ib. 

Fire-place in the Solar . . . . 160 

Chimney and windows of hall and tower . . . ib. 

Coggs, Oxfordshire, manor-house ; window, exterior and in- 
terior ....... 161 

Cottesford, Oxfordshire ; old manor-house . . . 162 

Ground-plan . . . . . . ib. 

Window and drain . . . . . . ib. 

West Deane, Sussex, old rectory-house . . . 168 

Acton Burnell castle, Shropshire ; south-west view and plan . 170 

Hall and plan . . . . . . ib. 

Interior of window, and of north-west angle and tower . ib. 
Window of hall; interior of door and window, north side . ib. 
Eemains of the barn, called the Parliament house . . ib. 

Somerton castle, Lincolnshire ; view of south-east tower . 172 

Interior of north-east tower, with ground-plan . . ib. 

General ground-plan, (text) .... 173 

Old Soar, Plaxtole, Kent . . . . .174 

Ground-plan . . . . . . ib. 

King's Hall at Winchester; window at west end, and plan of 

the hall . . . . . . .176 

Elevation of one bay ; exterior and interior . . . ib. 

Details . . . . . . . ib. 

Deanery, Winchester, entrance, with plan . . .177 

Strangers' Hall, Winchester ; two views . . . 178 

Flore's House at Oakham, Eutland, doorway and drain . . ib. 

Barn, Eaunds, Northamptonshire .... 180 

Sections of mouldings of thirteenth century buildings . . ib. 



French Examples. 

Coucy, window in the keep of the castle of . . 267 

painting on the head and jambs of the window . ib. 

Tours, arcade on a corner house at . . . 268 

window of a house, rue Ste. Croix . . . ib. 

front of a house, rue Briconnet . . . ib. 

windows of a house, rue de Rapin . . . ib. 

Angers, window in the hospital of St. John . . . 270 

window in the Hospice at . . . ib. 

house in the rue des Penitentes . . . ib. 

Eontevrault, kitchen of the abbey of, and plan . .272 

section of kitchen . . . . . ib. 

St. Emilion, window of a house at . . . ib. 

Perigueux, front of a house at . . . . ib. 

Mont St. Michel, window of the library at . . 274 

Dol, part of the front of a house at . . . ib. 

Beauvais, house at . . . . . ib. 


As the following account of the progress of domestic 
architecture in England commences only with . the twelfth 
century, some notice of the subject during earlier periods 
may be reasonably expected ; yet almost all that can be 
said of it anterior to that century must be founded chiefly 
on conjecture. 

Neither the language nor the civilization of the Romans 
appear to have made any great impression on the ancient 
population of England, and when the forces of the empire 
were finally withdrawn the nation relapsed into its primi- 
tive barbarism. The feeble school of native workmen who 
had been instructed in some few of the arts in which their 
southern conquerors excelled, never produced any thing 
better than rude imitations of the models by which they 
wrought. The works of the Roman settlers themselves, to 
judge by those which have survived, were of a coarse and 
debased character. Most of the sculptures, mosaics, bronzes, 
and pottery which belong to the period of the Roman oc- 
cupation of Britain, and are presumed to be the work of 
Roman colonists, are inferior in character and execution to 
remains of the same period which have been discovered in 
Gaul and other provinces of the empire a . Nor is this 

a The finer bronzes, and other works amelled-bronze figure discovered in Sus- 
of art, which have been found in this sex, and presented, by Lord Ashburn- 
country, are supposed to have been im- ham, to the British Museum, 
ported. Such for instance as the en- 




surprising if it be remembered that the Roman troops 
who occupied the British islands were chiefly foreign 
auxiliaries, and that neither the climate nor the wealth of 
the country were such as to induce any extensive settle- 
ment of the more polished subjects of the Caesars. A few 
merchants who had come from Belgium and Gaul, a few 
veterans who had become colonists, a few of the chief native 
inhabitants who had received the honour of citizenship and 
some tincture of southern civilization, together with the 
army, formed all that could be strictly termed the Roman, 
in contradistinction to the aboriginal, population. 

Much progress in the arts was incompatible with such a 
state of society, and the science of architecture above all 
was not likely to be exercised with great effect. The for- 
tifications of the Romans in this country were, it is true, 
on that grand and massive scale which everywhere marked 
their military defences, as enduring remains amply shew ; 
but the temples and public edifices of the Romano-British 
cities, although constructed on the unvarying conventional 
principles which distinguished the best examples of Latian 
art, were inferior in size and splendour to those of any 
other province of the empire. Under these circumstances 
it is improbable that domestic architecture, which even in 
Italy had not attained a great degree of excellence before 
the last days of the Republic, should have been carried to 
any considerable pitch of refinement or magnificence by 
the Roman settlers in England. 

We know, however, from remains of domestic habitations 
of Roman times which have been discovered in this country, 
that the villas and town houses of the Roman colonists 
were generally built upon the same plan which prevailed 
in Italy. In this respect the Roman practice was as un- 


changing as the Chinese ; the same principles of construc- 
tion were observed on the banks of the Severn and the 
Thames, as on those of the Tiber or the Po. It is very 
probable that in England the influence of climate may 
have modified some of the details of the Roman house : 
although well adapted to the climate of Italy the open 
atrium, with a rain-cistern, or impluvwm in its centre, 
was not equally suited to the damp atmosphere of Britain, 
and here therefore that apartment may have been covered 
in, although its proportions relatively to the rest of the 
house were preserved 13 . 

The various parts of a Roman house have been so fre- 
quently described, that it is unnecessary in this place to 
enter into any great detail respecting them. It may be 
observed, however, that until the discovery of the remains 
of Pompeii the general arrangement of the apartments 
was imperfectly understood, notwithstanding the letters of 
Cicero and Pliny, and the instructions of Vitruvius. Judg- 
ing from those remains, aided by the writers just named, 
an ordinary Roman house does not appear to have been 
either a comfortable or a well-arranged building. The size 
of the cubicula, or bedchambers, was usually sacrificed to the 
atrium, and they were therefore of comparatively small 
dimensions ; they derived their light internally from that 
apartment, and rarely from windows in the external wall ; 
at least such was the plan adopted in Italy i but, if, as has 
been suggested, the atrium was entirely roofed, in build- 
ings constructed in this country, external windows may 
have been more common. On this point unfortunately we 
have no evidence ; the remains of Roman buildings dis- 

b No impluvium was found in the remarkable ruins at Bignor, in Sussex. 
Archatologia, vol. xviii. pp. 203—218. 



covered in England scarcely enable us to trace their ground- 
plan, much less to give any opinion as to their elevations, 
with the exception of the materials composing the walls 
and roofs. 

The atrium was generally the only sitting room for the 
family, and was ordinarily the kitchen also c . Thus the 
chief features of the ordinary Roman house were a large 
hall, attached to which were one or more small chambers 
for sleeping. To these the bath remains to be added, for 
even in the smallest buildings of which the vestiges have 
been laid bare, a hypocaust has usually been found : the 
presence of this apparatus does not, it is true, actually 
prove that it was attached to a bath, but the fair inference 
is that such was generally the case. The skill displayed by 
the Romans in the arrangement of the flues, connected 
with the hypocaust, by which their apartments were heated, 
scarcely prepares us to believe that they were unacquainted 
with the use of chimneys ; yet the balance of opinion among 
the best modern writers on the subject is in favour of such 
a conclusion d . 

According to the taste and wealth of the owner, a 
house may have had more rooms or have been constructed 
on a greater scale, and even with an upper story, but it 
has too long been the fashion to assume that every villa 
was built according to the descriptions of Cicero and 
Pliny • to imagine that those numerous apartments which 
were necessary to the convenience or fastidiousness of 
the wealthy ordinarily formed parts of the house of every 

c Hence in middle-age Latinity atrium covered in the villa at Bignor : "no part 

came to signify a kitchen. See Du Cange, of any chimney or funnel by which the 

sub voce. smoke might have been conveyed away, 

d The authorities in favour of chimneys remained." Mr. Lysons in Archaeologia, 

are collected by Becker, Gallus, Sc. ii. ut supra. 
Excurs.i. Two open fire-places were dis- 



Roman who could afford to possess a suburban retreat. 
We may reasonably assume that such was not the case on 
the continent, and the description here given is submitted 
as generally accurate with respect to the numerous rural 
habitations which at the beginning of the fifth century 
were scattered over Britain, from the hills of Perthshire to 
the coast of Kent. If the Roman villa was in any part 
of the country distinguished by greater splendour, it 
was in the milder climate of the south-western counties, 
where ground-plans have been traced, on sunny slopes, of 
edifices which seem to have been built with long porticos, 
almost rivalling that of Pliny at Laurentinum, and paved 
with mosaics almost equal to those of Italy 6 . 

Of domestic habitations within towns during the Roman 
dominion in this country, we know very little ; to some of 
them what has been said of the country residences is, of 
course, applicable, so far as general arrangement is con- 
cerned. Ground not being so valuable as in Rome and 
other cities of the continent, we may conclude the houses 
were generally built without an upper story, a contrivance 
which appears to have been originally suggested by the 
difficulty of accommodating an increased population within 
a limited area. Of the meaner class of houses, as shops for 
instance, we are left to form an idea from an inspection of 
the remains of such buildings at Pompeii. 

The Roman method of building in England appears to 
have been fully as substantial as that observed in Italy ; 
wherever the remains of their edifices are laid bare by the 

e The supposed cryptoporticus at Big- 
nor was of the entire length of two hun- 
dred and twenty-seven feet. The mo- 
saics found there, attributed by Mr. 

Lysons to the age of Titus, were superior 
in design and execution to any other 
examples known to exist in this country. 
Archaeologia, vol. xviii. pp. 203 — 208. 



plough, or by excavating, the foundations are invariably of 
the most solid materials ; concrete, stone and tile. Some 
of the best quarries known at the present day were known 
and worked in the fourth century of our sera, and not 
merely for constructions in their immediate vicinity. The 
great roads constructed by the Romans throughout this 
island rendered the transport of materials from distant 
points more easy then than it was, probably, in the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries, when those roads had fallen into 
decay; and the geologist now often recognises in the ruins 
of Roman villas situated in districts not devoid of quarries, 
stone of a superior quality, which must have been brought 
by land or water fifty or a hundred miles. The edifices of 
the towns they founded were equally well built, and en- 
dured through the succeeding periods of British anarchy, 
Saxon conquest, and Danish spoliation. In the tenth and 
eleventh centuries the ruins of Verulamium furnished 
materials for the construction of the church and abbey of 
St. Alban's ; and recent discoveries prove that source to be 
not yet exhausted. When the Saxon power was at its 
zenith, massive buildings of Roman days, yet standing in 
the chief towns of England, were significantly distinguished 
in the Saxon dialect from constructions of a later date ; as 
the quarter called the Aldwark in York, and the suburb 
called the Southwark at London. 

We may reasonably assume that when the Romans 
finally abandoned England as a colony, every building 
throughout the country, except the huts of the native 
peasantry and labourers, exhibited in a greater or less 
degree the peculiar features of their style of architecture. 
Nor does there appear to be any good reason for sup- 
posing that this condition of things was immediately 



changed. Their retirement was not sudden but gradual ; 
and the state of the continent was not such as to induce 
the emigration of any great numbers of the Romano-British 
population, although they found themselves deprived of the 
protection of the forces of the empire. The history of the 
period between the withdrawal of the Roman legions and 
the arrival of the Saxons is, however, a mass of fable 
and contradictions, amidst which we search in vain for 
glimpses of truth ; one fact alone is certain, that it was 
a period of internal discord, and, therefore, unfavourable 
either to the progress or the preservation of the arts. 
Yet it cannot be doubted that when the Saxons landed in 
England they found its population dwelling in towns still 
possessing all the chief features of Roman construction, 
both civil and military. Those features could not have 
been immediately and wholly effaced, destructive as was 
the struggle which took place before the supremacy of the 
new comers was established. Whatever was destroyed was 
destroyed in warfare, that ended it would be puerile to 
suppose that the Saxons pulled down every thing that re- 
mained for the sake of rebuilding after their own fashion. 

Here the question arises, how, or in what style, the 
Saxons were likely to replace the habitations they destroyed. 
If we turn to the Sagas, and other early records of the 
history and manners of the northern races, we find that 
the dwellings of their kings and chiefs in the countries 
adjacent to the Baltic consisted only of two apartments, 
and that sovereigns and their counsellors are described as 
sleeping in the same room. The habitations of the mass of 
the people were wooden huts, rarely containing more than 
one room, in the centre of which the fire was kindled. 
Such was the style of domestic architecture which the 



Saxons would bring with them to this country; and in 
that fashion most of their houses were built down to the 
latest period of their dominion. To this method there was 
nothing repugnant in houses erected on the Roman plan 
which they found on their arrival, and we may be pretty 
certain that wherever in town or country such houses 
existed in a habitable state, or capable of being made 
habitable, however rudely, they were occupied by the in- 
vaders f . The Saxon chieftain would find better accommo- 
dation in a large Roman house, with its spacious atrium, 
than he had been wont to enjoy, and in its essential fea- 
tures the plan of the edifice did not vary from that of the 
rude habitation of his fatherland ; there was still the hall 
for feasting his numerous retainers, and more chambers for 
other domestic purposes. 

It is sufficiently obvious that buildings either wholly 
or partially of Roman construction must have gradually 
diminished in number during the continual wars of the 
Saxon period ; and it is next to certain that most do- 
mestic edifices built during the same time were chiefly of 
wood, a material which could be more readily obtained and 
more easily converted than stone. The quarries which had 
supplied the Roman builders ceased to be worked; the 
mechanical skill of the new conquerors was scanty, and 
had it been greater the difficulty and cost of carrying 
were obstacles not easily surmounted. The Saxon thegne 
built his "hall" from the woods on his demesne, by the 

f Mr. Kemble, in his " Saxons in of London and York, of Gloucester and 
England," is of opinion that the Saxons Chester, proved equally attractive to 
avoided Roman towns. No doubt they their successors in power. The ad- 
formed many new rural settlements, vantage of water communication would 
but the same convenience of situation equally influence Roman and Saxon, 
which led the Romans to fix on the sites 


labour of his bondmen g ; it was thatched with reeds or 
straw, or roofed with wooden shingles. In plan it was 
little more than its name implied, a capacious apartment 
which in the day-time was adapted to the patriarchal hos- 
pitality of the owner, and formed, at night, a sort of stable 
for his servants 11 , to whose rude accommodation their mas- 
ter's was not much superior in a small adjoining chamber. 
There was, as yet, but a slight perception of the decencies 
of life. The fire was kindled in the centre of the hall ; 
the smoke made its way out through an opening in the 
roof immediately above the hearth, or by the door, windows 
or eaves of the thatch. The lord and his "hearth-men," 
a significant appellation given to the most familiar re- 
tainers 1 , sat by the same fire at which their repast was 
cooked, and at night retired to share the same dormitory, 
which served also as a council chamber. These hearth- 
companions of the Saxon kings and nobles have been com- 
pared by writers of considerable erudition, to the counts 
of the palace of the Frank sovereigns, and no doubt some 
analogy existed between the customs of all the northern 
races which supplanted the Roman power. So late as the 

& See in the Venedotian code, art. 16; 
" nine buildings which the villains of 
the king are to erect for him : a hall, a 
chamber, a buttery, a stable, a dog-house, 
a barn, a kiln, a privy, and a dormitory." 
Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, 
p. 37. See also for the worth of the 
hall, p. 142. 

h Persons of higher rank also slept in 
the hall. " A multitude of warriors 
watched the hall, as they before had often 

' Beowulf, 1. 4353. 

dreah aefter dome 
nealles druncne slog 

done; they bared the bench-planks; it 
was spread all over with beds and bolsters ; 
some one of the beer-servants, ready and 
fated to die, bent to his palace rest." 
Beowulf, translated by J. M. Kemble, 
vol. ii. p. 51. Compare the regulations 
of the king's hall in the Welsh Laws, 
"The king's hall is to be apportioned 
into three parts," &c. Ancient Laws 
and Institutes of Wales, p. 688. 

he acted according to justice, 
nor drunken struck 
his hearth companions. 



fourteenth century it was the custom of a king of France 
to distinguish those courtiers and counsellors whom he 
particularly favoured, by inviting one or more of them to 
share his bed, or to sleep in the same room. 

During the greater part of the Saxon period houses in 
towns appear to have been generally constructed of wood k 
or mud, with thatched roofs. We have no better autho- 
rities on this point than the manuscripts containing the 
miracles wrought by various saints in those ages. It is 
true that perhaps few of these writings are older than 
the tenth century, many were certainly composed about 
that time ; but the notices they afford of contemporary 
domestic buildings must be taken as correct, and we may 
infer that the edifices described were then very much what 
they had been for several centuries, mean in size, generally 
without an upper floor, and mostly containing but one 
room. The treatise of Lantfred, a monk of Winchester, 
on the miracles of St. Swithun, seems to have been com- 
piled between the years 950 and 1000 ; it refers prin- 
cipally to events which occurred at Winchester, and fur- 
nishes us with some means of forming an idea of the 
aspect of that ancient capital of the most powerful Saxon 
state. The houses of the persons to whom the saint ap- 
peared in visions, are often called huts, (tuguria,) in one 
case, the dwelling of an honest smith is said to have had 
an old roof or thatch 1 ; another dwelling is termed a ce little 
house" {domicula). Offending slaves, whom their owners 
had manacled, reserving them for further punishment, see 
their masters leave home, and so take the opportunity to 

k Thus in the Colloquium of /Elfric, 
the treo-wriht, or carpenter, replies to 
the querist " that he makes houses and 

1 " Sanctus vates — tugurium obsoleti 
deserens tegetis." MS. Reg. 15 C. 7, 
fol. 7 b. 


escape, which they could not well do unless they had been 
in the same room. Almost every allusion to houses con- 
tained in this work proves their small dimensions. We 
may thus understand how Winchester could contain the 
numerous population it is said to have had in Saxon times. 
Its streets consisted of low huts, closely packed together : 
at the time of the survey taken in the reign of Henry I. 
those streets were sixteen in number; in the fifteenth 
century, nine of them were in a ruinous and deserted state, 
having, in all probability, never been any better than in 
Saxon times — rows of wooden and mud hovels. Much 
stress has been laid upon the supposed opulence of Win- 
chester from the number of goldsmiths enumerated in the 
survey alluded to ; but there is very little in the point. 
The goldsmiths in those days worked, but did not gene- 
rally trade, in the precious metals : and there is no reason 
to suppose they had better dwellings than any other class 
of artificers in early times. The goldsmiths of Paris worked 
and dwelt in booths on the Pont-au-Change, and the Pont- 
Notre-Dame, as late as the fourteenth century. 

The houses of London in Saxon times could not have 
been superior to those of Winchester ; a statement made 
by the chief inhabitants of that city in the twelfth century, 
expressly declares that down to the reign of Stephen the 
houses were built of wood and covered with thatch. At 
length the frequent recurrence of disastrous fires compelled 
the citizens to employ, where possible, more enduring ma- 
terials, but London, nevertheless, continued to be a town 
mainly of wood and plaster, almost to the period of the 
great conflagration in the seventeenth century. 

Prom these facts it may be justly inferred that through- 
out the whole of the Anglo-Saxon period, domestic habita- 


tions were generally constructed on a very small scale, and 
were adapted only to afford one of the great necessaries of 
life, protection from the weather. Style in architecture 
there could have been none, properly speaking : one house 
may have differed from another in being higher or lower, a 
square or a parallelogram ; but there the difference ceased : 
all must have been alike rude internally and externally ; 
faintly lighted, badly ventilated, and wanting in every ap- 
pliance for comfort and decency. It is not improbable, 
however, that the house of an Anglo-Saxon thegne may 
have exhibited some coarse decorative features. The parti- 
ality of the northern races to carving, particularly, in the 
ornamentation of their war-galleys, is well known. Those 
vessels were sculptured at the prow with representations of 
the animals or reptiles, fabulous or real, after which they 
were named, and were besides resplendent with paint and 
gilding. The history of art amply shews that wherever the 
first principles of decoration have been introduced among 
a people, their application soon becomes general : the same 
conventional and mythic forms which adorned the sea-boat 
of the Saxon, appeared on the slab or cross, which marked 
his burial-place, and on the ornaments and vessels of brass, 
or more precious metals, which he wore on his person or 
used at table ; and similar designs may have been rudely 
painted, or more rudely carved both within and without 
his dwelling. The introduction of painting is commonly 
said, on the authority of Beda, to have taken place in the 
seventh century ; but his words may be understood to 
refer only to the northern parts of the kingdom" 1 : indeed, 

m If, indeed, they imply more than opera hist, minora Ven. Bedae, Lond. 
that Benedict brought pictures already 1841. p. 145. 
finished. See Vit. S. Benedicti inter 



it is probable they allude simply to the first application of 
that species of decoration to ecclesiastical buildings. It is 
obvious that people who possessed a sufficient knowledge of 
colours to enable them to paint one class of objects were 
likely to apply the same skill to another ; and it seems in- 
contestable that the Saxons painted their vessels in very 
remote times. That exterior ornaments were sometimes 
given to domestic buildings in Saxon times, scarcely admits 
of doubt ; the " pinnacled hall" is a phrase which occurs 
in the poem of Beowulf" ; from another passage in the 
same work, we may gather that the roof of a Saxon hall 
had a high pitch, and was sometimes covered with a better 
material than thatch : "he went to the hall, stood on the 
steps, and beheld the steep roof with gold adorned ." 

It hardly admits of reasonable doubt, however, that some 
edifices, both ecclesiastical and domestic, were built during 
the latter centuries of Saxon dominion, of stone, and in 
imitation of the Roman or rather Romanesque style. From 
the period of the conversion of the nation to Christianity, 
and more particularly from the close of the seventh century, 
the intercourse of the Saxons with foreign countries became 
greatly extended, both by commerce and by the custom of 
religious pilgrimages. English churchmen and traders 
were frequent visitors in the chief cities of France and 
Italy : from Rome they sometimes found their way to 
Constantinople and Syria. At the beginning of the eighth 
century, a great fair was held yearly in the city of Jerusalem 
which was attended by merchants from all parts of the 

n "The hall rose aloft; high and fifth century. The text copied by Mr. 

curved with pinnacles it awaited the hos- Kemble belongs to a period subsequent 

tile waves of loathed fire." Kemble's to A.D. 597. pref., p. xx. 
Trans., p. 4. The date of the events ° Beowulf, 1. 1844. 
described in Beowulf is the middle of the 



world p . The clergy who had thus become familiar with 
the remains of ancient art existing in the south of Eu- 
rope, as well as with the superior method of building- 
still practised there, were the means of introducing new 
modes of construction in their own country ; they desired, 
like Benedict of Wear mouth, to have their churches built 
"in the Roman manner" {more Romano), and to that end 
hired artificers from the continent. It has been well ob- 
served by a learned writer of the last century, that skilful 
workmen were always to be found in Italy, notwithstanding 
its occupation by the barbarians q : the masons of Como are 
mentioned in the Lombardic code r , and the class of native 
artists was increased from time to time by others who emi- 
grated from Byzantium in search of employment. The tide 
of art rolled northwards by the Rhine, and thus in the 
seventh century, a Saxon ecclesiastic could hire masons, 
glaziers, and other necessary workmen in France. 

What the style then called " Roman" was, as applied to 
churches, is known to us, by many buildings still existing 
in Italy, and we may observe from illuminations, or draw- 
ings, in manuscripts executed in England, that the general 
principles of that style seem to have been rendered subser- 
vient to domestic buildings. When a king or noble built his 

p "Diversarum gentium undique prope 
innumera multitudo, 15 die Septem- 
bris anniversario more, in Hierosolymis 
convenire solet ad commercia mutuis 
conditionibus et emtionibus peragenda." 
See the travels of St. Arculf inter Acta 
Sanct. Ord. S. Benedicti, vol. iv. The 
history of European commerce before the 
aera of the first crusade has never been 
satisfactorily elucidated : there is a slight 
essay on the subject, by M. de Guignes, 
among the " Memoires de l'Academie, 

Royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Let- 
tres," vol. 37, pp. 467—527. The author 
believed that the interruption of the ac- 
customed traffic with the east contributed 
in a great measure, though indirectly, to 
excite the people of Europe to attempt 
the recovery of the Holy Land. 

i Muratori de Antiq. Ital., diss. xxiv. 
" de artibus Italicorum post inclinationem 
Rom an i imperii." 

r Leg. 144. 



hall of stone, the furcce, or wooden posts, which had at an 
earlier time supported the thatch, gave place to columns of 
stone connected by circular arches, and light was admitted 
by round or square-headed windows. These columns were 
ornamented by rude capitals and bases which sometimes 
bore a slight resemblance to ancient forms, and sometimes 
exhibited no relation whatever to any preconceived type 8 . 
The roof appears to have been covered with oval-shaped tiles 
or shingles, such as the Romans had used, and examples of 
which are often found among their remains in this country. 
If we are to rely upon the authority of these ancient 
drawings, the iron-work on hall- doors was as florid and 
luxuriant in design as such work undoubtedly was in the 
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries* ; nor is this, perhaps, 
very improbable, considering how anciently the working of 
iron had been practised among the northern races", and the 
general skill of the Saxons in metallurgy. Houses are re- 
presented adorned with towers with conical roofs ; walls are 
generally drawn with crenellations x . 

" Unfortunately, the drawings in Saxon manuscripts cannot 
be entirely depended on as accurate delineations of contem- 
porary architecture, ecclesiastical or domestic. Notwith- 
standing the great difference in style perceptible among 
them, it is obvious that the artists generally worked after 
certain admitted standards of design, which seem to have 
been furnished originally by the Greek school, to which later 

s See the drawing representing the especially the internal hinges of the gate 

birth of Abel, from the metrical para- of Paradise, pi. 58, shewing how the door 

phrase of Casdmon, engraved in the Ar- was hung to the jamb, 

chseologia, vol. xxiv. pi. 47. Compare the u The king's " ambiht smid" or master 

capitals with those in pi. 57. The date smith (prefectus fabrorum), is named in 

of this manuscript is about the year the laws of iEthelbiiht, king of Kent, 

1000. who died early in the seventh century. 

* See the drawings in Caedmon, passim, x Caedmon, pi. 81, 87. 



additions were made from time to time. This con- 
ventional style of drawing lasted till the twelfth cen- 
tury ; and there is little difference between the archi- 
tectural details in works of that age and those which 
occur in writings two centuries older. Occasionally 
also we may perceive a strong tinge of Saracenic cha- 
racter in Saxon delineations of buildings ; this may be 
remarked, particularly, in a drawing representing the 
Annunciation, in the celebrated Benedictional of St. 
iEthelwold, where the blessed Virgin is seated under a 
porch, covered by a dome, wholly in the Arabian style y . 
On the other hand, many of the architectural decorations 
in the same manuscript, as the acanthus-leaved capitals 
and bases of columns, are drawn with a grace and freedom 
to which there could have been no parallel in any English 
building extant, when those drawings were made, in the 
latter half of the tenth century. Still, although too much 
credit is not to be given to early illuminations, they 
frequently present minor details which were undoubtedly 
taken by the artists from objects which surrounded them ; 
and the impression left on the mind, by a careful com- 
parison of various examples, will be, that much of the 
Romanesque style prevailed in some domestic buildings 
erected in this country in the ninth and tenth centuries. 
Indeed, it is not easy to perceive that a substantially built 
Saxon hall could have materially differed from a Norman 
hall of the same period, any more than a Saxon house 
could have differed in its arrangement from a Norman 
house. The chief difference was, probably, that the latter 
had an upper story, a feature which seems to have been un- 
common in England until late in the twelfth century. Both 

J Archaeologia, vol. xxiv. pi. x. p. 50. 



Saxon and Norman had originally built much in the same 
style, and both derived every modification and improve- 
ment of that style from the same source — an imitation of 
the details of Roman architecture. 

There is one very necessary feature in a house, for 
which we look in vain among Saxon drawings, — a chimney. 
That useful invention appears to have been then unknown, 
in England, as indeed it was in many parts of Europe, 
until the fifteenth century. Perhaps the strongest argu- 
ment in favour of the opinion that there were no chimneys 
in ancient Roman houses, is supplied by the fact that there 
were none in Roman houses of the fourteenth century; al- 
though this contrivance appears to have been then known 
in at least one of the Italian cities. In 1368, a prince of 
Padua, on making a journey to Rome, took with him ma- 
sons who constructed a chimney in the inn at which he 
stayed, " because in the city of Rome they did not then use 
chimneys ; and all lighted the fire in the middle of the 
house, on the floor 2 ." A chronicler of Placentia, who wrote 
in the same century, praising the frugality of past times, 
and censuring the luxury then prevalent among all classes, 
observes, " there was then no chimney in houses, because 
then they made only a fire in the middle of the house 
under the dome of the roof. And all of the said house 
stood around the said fire ; and there the cooking was 
done. And in my time I have seen it in many houses a ." 

z " Perche nella citta di Roma allora domo stabant circa dictum ignem ; et 

non si usavano camini ; anzi tutti face- ibi fiebat coquina. Et vidi meo tempore 

vano fuoco in mezzo delle case in terra." in pluribus domibus." — Muratori, ut 

— Muratori, Antiq. Italicas, vol. ii. diss. supra, col. 419. Muratori thought that 

25, col. 418. chimneys might have been known in 

a " In quibus domibus nullum sole- Roman times, and that they were for- 

bat esse caminum ; quia tunc faciebant gotten after the irruption of the bar- 

unum ignem tantum in medio domus bariane. 
sub cupis tecti. Et omnes de dicta 




It must be confessed, however, that in investigating the 
antiquity of chimneys, well ascertained facts are strangely 
opposed to the statements of respectable writers of early 
times. Thus in the sixteenth century we rind Leland ex- 
pressing some wonder at a chimney in Bolton castle, al- 
though existing remains fully prove that perpendicular 
flues were constructed in this country in the twelfth cen- 
tury. The only solution of the difficulty that offers itself, 
is to presume, that although the principle of the modern 
chimney was understood at a very early, it was not gene- 
rally adopted until a comparatively recent time. 

Whatever amount of difficulty may attend our enquiry 
respecting the domestic buildings of the Saxons, the cha- 
racter of their military edifices is involved in far greater 
obscurity. If reliance is to be placed on the drawings at- 
tributed to Saxon times, a hall and other buildings sur- 
rounded by a high embattled wall appears to have been 
the usual mode of fortification 5 ; all the internal buildings 
seem to have been of lower elevation than the ramparts, 
by which they were effectually screened • whenever mural 
towers are represented they are of no great height, and are 
crowned by pyramidal roofs. In these details a marked 

b The Saxon Chronicle, describing the 
building of Bamborough by Ida, in the 
sixth century, says, he " built Barn- 
borough, which was at first inclosed by 
a hedge, and afterwards by a wall:" — 
" he getimbrade Bebban-burh. sy wses 
aerorst mid hegge betined. and thser 
aefter mid wealle." Monumenta His- 
torica Britannica, vol. i. p. 302. The 
reader may be referred also to a curious 
poetical fragment entitled " The Ruin," 
in the Codex Exoniensis, a MS. of the 
tenth century, for a description of a 
Saxon fortress. 

" Wonderous is this wall-stone 

the fates have broken it, 

have burst the burgh-place. 

Perishes the work of giants, 

the roofs are fallen, 

the towers tottering, 

the hoar gate-towers despoil'd, 

rime on the lime, 

shatter'd the battlements," &c. 
Codex Exon.,ed.B.Thorpe,1842; p. 476. 

It is not improbable, however, that 
these lines may have been suggested by 
a decayed Roman building. 



contrast is seen to the style introduced by the Normans, 
in which the lofty proportions of all the members form 
a distinguishing characteristic. At the same time it must 
be acknowledged that several eminent antiquaries have 
claimed a Saxon origin for some castellated structures yet 
existing. Sir Walter Scott considered Coningsburgh castle 
to be "one of the very few remaining examples of Saxon 
fortification ;" and Mr. King attributed a similar antiquity 
to the castle of Bamborough rt ; yet both these edifices are 
now thought to belong to the Norman period. Numerous 
castles of stone and brick, fortified with walls and lofty 
towers, are described among the glories of Britain by Gildas 
and Nennius, and also by Beda ; these authorities, however, 
apparently three in number, are in reality but one ; as Nen- 
nius writing in the ninth century merely copies the words 
of Gildas, who lived in the sixth, who is also the autho- 
rity used by Beda. But even admitting the testimony of 
Gildas and Nennius to be unimpeachable, their expres- 
sions are vague and rhetorical ; while Beda speaks of these 
castles as formerly existing 6 ; it is therefore extremely pro- 

c See the last note (L) to the romance 
of Ivanhoe ; in which Sir Walter allu- 
ding to the burghs of the Zetland islands, 
as remains of the " architecture of the 
ancient Scandinavians," observes, " I am 
inclined to regard the singular castle of 
Coningsburgh — I mean the Saxon part 
of it — as a step in advance from the rude 
architecture, if it deserves the name, 
which must have been common to the 
Saxons as to other Northmen." 

d The Saxon chronicle, ut supra, does 
not say that Ida erected a castle at Barn- 
borough ; he made the rock an enclosed 
burh only. Simeon of Durham, writing 
at the beginning of the twelfth century, 
does not mention a castle there ; his 
words are ; " Bebba vero civitas urbs est 

munitissima, non admodum magna, sed 
quasi duorum vel trium agrorum spatium, 
habens unum introitum cavatum, et 
gradibus miro modo exaltatum. Habet 
in summitate montis ecclesiam praepul- 
chre factam," &c. — Monumenta Hist. 
Brit., p. 664. It would appear from the 
Pipe Rolls that the existing keep of Bam- 
borongh, was built about the end of the 
twelfth centnry, and in the reign of 
Henry the Second. It has been much 
altered in its details. 

e " Erat et civitatibus quondam viginti 
et octo nobilissimis insignita, praeter cas- 
tella innnmera, quae et ipsa muris, tur- 
ribus, portis, ac seris erant instructa 
firmissimis." — Bedae Hist. Eccl., lib. i, 
cap. 1. 



babie that buildings of Roman times were referred to. 
It is moreover a significant fact that of forty-nine castles 
enumerated in the Domesday Survey, one only, that of 
Arundel, is said to have been standing in the time of the 
Confessor; we have no mention of castles in the Saxon 
Chronicle ; and no fortified places obstructed the march of 
William to London. On the other hand we have the con- 
curring testimony of all early writers that the Conqueror 
was obliged to build fortresses in various parts to overawe 
the surrounding country. The passage of Beda in which 
he speaks of Putta as bishop " castetti Cantuariorum," has 
been taken by some as proof that a castle existed at Roch- 
ester before the Conquest ; but it is evident from the con- 
text that Beda only uses the word castettum as synonymous 
with the Latin castrum f , a fortified station which had grown 
into a city. Roman stations bore no analogy to those iso- 
lated citadels which were erected in England during the 
Norman period, except in so far as both stations and 
castles naturally became, in their respective periods, nuclei 
of towns, owing to the population of the neighbourhood 
thronging to spots which afforded protection ; here how- 
ever all likeness ceased. The Roman stations were fixed 
with reference to the lines of road throughout the country, 
and the maintenance of a general plan of communication 
between military posts : the Norman castle when not reared 
in a town of Roman foundation, as Rochester, Chester, or 
Norwich, was built merely with a view to the advantage of 
the owner and the defence of his individual estate ; it was 
the chief place of his honour or fee. 

On the whole an anxious consideration of all existing 

f His words are, "Putta episcopus Hrofescaestir," &c. — Hist. Eccl., lib. iv. 
Caste. li Cantuariorum quod dicitur cap. 5. 


sources of information leads to the conclusion that Saxon 
fortifications were confined to the enclosure of an advan- 
tageous site, as Bamborough, for example, by a wall, and, 
where necessary, possibly by earth-works : but the strength 
of such positions must have been generally inconsiderable, 
or the skill of the defenders must have been small, as 
throughout the annals of the Saxon period we find no in- 
stance recorded of the successful or even protracted defence 
of a fortified places. The genius of that people seems to 
have been better adapted to field warfare than to the con- 
struction or maintenance of strong military stations. When 
defeated they took refuge in natural fastnesses • the woods 
and marshes of Somersetshire protected Alfred from the 
pursuit of the Danes, and enabled him to re-organize his 
forces, and the last stand of the Saxons against their Nor- 
man invaders was amid the fens of Ely and Cambridge- 

It now remains to consider the changes which the Nor- 
mans wrought in the style of domestic architecture in 
England; and it is scarcely paradoxical to observe that 
they rather introduced novelty of detail than novelty in 
plan. The amount of accommodation in a Norman was 
not greater than in a Saxon house or homestead ; we be- 
hold still only the chief room or hall and the single bed- 
chamber, or thalamus. By the Normans, however, the prin- 
ciples of the Romanesque style were more generally ap- 
plied to civil as well as to ecclesiastical buildings : yet 
even in this respect no considerable alteration could have 
occurred before the close of the eleventh or commencement 
of the twelfth century. It is not to be supposed that the 

s If we except the resistance of Lon- M the] red ; but London was still pro- 
don, against the Danes, in the time of tected by its Roman walls. 



Norman invaders were attended by legions of architects 
and masons who began at once to reconstruct every edifice 
in the island. It took William some years to consolidate 
his power, and the only buildings of importance erected 
during that unsettled period were fortresses. Domesday 
informs us how many burgage tenements were destroyed 
by the Conqueror and his followers in building castles at 
Lincoln, York and other places, but there its information 
on this head ceases : still from other sources we know 
that the first movement towards the new style must have 
taken place in the south of England, as the country be- 
tween the Humber and the Tyne had been savagely laid 
waste in suppressing the rebellion of Earl Morcar, and re- 
mained almost a desert till the foundation of the great 
Yorkshire monasteries in the twelfth century. As a gene- 
ral rule, therefore, it may be asserted that there are very 
few buildings of Norman character in this country which 
can be safely referred to an earlier date than the year 1 1 h ; 
for this reason it has been deemed advisable to commence 
the present work with that century. 

That, like the Saxons, the Normans continued to build 
in towns, of wood and mud-clay 1 , in timber frame-work, 
is beyond doubt ; houses of stone were then, as they have 
generally been, exceptions to the general method of con- 

h For example, the dates of the foun- 
dation of Yorkshire monasteries of which 
some remains yet exist are — Kirkham, 
1121,— Gisburn, 1129— Rivaulx, 1131, 
—Fountains, 1 132,— Byland, 1143,— 
Meaux, 1150,— Kirkstall, 1152,— Jer- 
vaulx, 1156. In Middlesex; St. Bartho- 
lomew's, Smithfield, (finished?), between 
1122 and 1133. In Hampshire; St. 
Cross, about 1132; Porchester or South- 
wick, 1133. In Norfolk; Norwich ca- 

thedral, after 1100;— Binham, c. 1106; 
— Wymondham, c. 1107. In Berkshire ; 
Reading abbey, 1121. In Kent; Priory, 
Dover, 1121. The period of the com- 
pletion of the Norman part of all these 
buildings may be safely taken as ten or 
fifteen years later than the date of foun- 
dation. It was not unusual to consecrate 
the chancel of a church before the rest of 
the edifice was finished. 

1 See p. 23, the London assize of 1212. 


struction. The cost of the latter material, and the still 
greater expense of converting it, must have necessarily 
limited its employment in domestic buildings to the more 
opulent ; and in the middle ages there were, comparatively, 
few modes of displaying opulence ; one of the few, how- 
ever, was in the external decoration of houses, a fashion 
which declined in proportion as the advance of commerce 
and the arts enlarged the catalogue of human necessaries 
and luxuries. Yet, although the few examples of the 
domestic architecture of the twelfth century which have 
survived to this time, exhibit, in a mutilated state, all the 
main features of the Ilomanesque style, both in its early 
and its transition stages ; it would be a great mistake to 
suppose that there were in that century in London, or in 
any other city, many houses equal in decorative character 
to the house at Barnack, or the Jew's house in Lincoln. 

It is improbable that there should have been many 
manor-houses built during this century ■ land had not yet 
been largely subdivided ; and whole districts of great ex- 
tent were still held by the heirs of the followers of the 
Conqueror, who ruled almost independently in their feudal 
strongholds. The troubles attending the contested succes- 
sion of Stephen, and, later again, the rebellion of Mowbray 
in the time of Henry the Second, led to the erection of nu- 
merous fortresses, adulterine castles they were termed, as 
built without license from the crown ; but the times were 
too unsettled to encourage the building of houses not abso- 
lutely defensible, and situated in strong positions. By the 
close of the century most of these castles had been dis- 
mantled, some were actually razed to the ground. Licenses 
to embattle manor-houses, occurring frequently in the re- 
cords of the reign of Henry the Third, would seem to in- 



dicate the thirteenth century as the period when the mesne 
tenants of the great barons first began to build substantially 
on their own account. It had however long been usual for 
the more wealthy monasteries to erect granges in their 
principal manors, sufficiently capacious to garner the pro- 
duce of the harvest, and to accommodate the abbot and his 
attendants during an occasional retirement, or when resting 
on a journey. The granges of Cistercian houses had gene- 
rally chapels annexed, and were tenanted by the conversi, 
or lay-brethren of the order, who busied themselves, ac- 
cording to their rule, in agricultural labours. 

These introductory remarks may be appropriately closed 
by a few illustrations of the technical branches of the prac- 
tice of architecture in the twelfth century. The authorities 
from which they are derived, do not indeed wholly belong 
to that century, but as the science of construction has been 
in all countries, and in all times of slow growth, we are 
justified in concluding that the methods of working ob- 
served early in the thirteenth, were not unusual in the pre- 
vious century. Materials for building must at all events 
have been obtained from the same sources in both ages ; 
and the workmen of the latter period must have learnt 
their business from masters who had been taught in the 

The stone quarries which appear to have been most 
generally used in the twelfth and following century, were 
those of Caen, Boulogne, Pevensey, Corfe, Reigate, Folk- 
stone, and that of Egremont, in Cumberland. There were 
of course numerous other quarries which were used for 
buildings in their immediate neighbourhood, but those 
mentioned above supplied materials to all parts of the 
kingdom. Thus parts of Windsor castle were built of 



Egremont stone, both in the reigns of Henry the Second 
and of Edward the Third k ; considering the difficulty and 
expense of bringing it by sea in those early times, this ma- 
terial would appear to have been then greatly esteemed ; 
at present it is believed the Egremont quarries are scarcely 
known in the south of England. The stone commonly 
called " Kentish-rag," was, under the same name, exten- 
sively used early in the thirteenth century; in 1282 the 
gaol of Newgate was repaired with " Kentish-rag at that 
time a boat load of it cost from 7s. 8d. to lis. 7 d. The ma- 
terial used for finishing, and for the mullions of windows, 
is usually termed free-stone, and was brought, in all pro- 
bability, from Corfe. Caen stone appears to have been 
mainly employed for ashlar- work, as at the present time. 
The free-stone of Maidenestane, or Maidstone, occurs in 
one record of this period, relating to a private building in 

The materials used in laying the foundations of the better 
class of buildings may be judged of by the mode in which 
Master Michael of Canterbury, the architect of Eleanor's 
cross in Cheapside, prepared the foundation of the royal 
chapel in the palace at Westminster, in the year 1292. 
He used two ship loads of chalk, four hundred-weight of 
quick -lime, two ship loads of cinders, and one ship load of 
flints 1 from Aylesford. 

In the thirteenth century lime was sold by the bag, as at 
present, as well as by the hundred- weight ; in preparing it 
for mortar it was mixed with sand, and occasionally with 

k The groined roof of the "treasury" Windsor, 39-40 Edw. III. 

of St. George's chapel, built by Edward 1 In the original, "j. navata grisee 

the Third, was of Egremont stone, which petre, vj. s. vj. d." Du Cange renders 

cost, rough, 100s. — Accounts of works at grisea petra by silex. 




pounded tile m , a fact which may tend to correct the haste 
with which some antiquaries pronounce fragments of mortar 
in which that ingredient appears, wherever they may occur 
in medieval buildings, to be of Roman origin. 

At whatever period the use of gypsum may have been 
introduced into this country for plastering and whitewash- 
ing internal stone- work, it was certainly known by its pre- 
sent name of " plaster of Paris/' very early in the thirteenth 
century. Plasterers and whitewashes {de alb at ores) are 
mentioned in the London assize of the year 1212; and 
Necham, writing in the twelfth century, alludes to smooth- 
ing the surface of walls by the trowel". We are not to 
consider the practice of whitewashing stone-work as a vice 
peculiar to modern times. Our ancestors had as great an 
objection to the natural surface of stone, whether in churches 
or other buildings, as any churchwardens or bricklayers of 
the nineteenth century. Several writs of Henry the Third 
are extant directing the Norman chapel in the Tower to 
be whitewashed : Westminster Hall was whitewashed for 
the coronation of Edward the First, and many other an- 
cient examples might be cited. In fact, it seems to have 
been the rule to plaster ordinary stone-work ; for instance, 
when Newgate was repaired in 1282, two new windows 
of free-stone were constructed " in the chamber where the 
justices sit," yet the account of the architect has this item, 
" in plaster of Paris bought to plaster the windows and the 
chamber where the justices sit, within, 13s. 4d. In the 
wages of a plasterer and his servant, four days, 2s. 8d." 

There is no mention of bricks in any ancient building 

m Thus in the items for mortar in the lime, 7s. In twelve cart loads of sand, 

account of the repairs of Newgate in 2s." 

1282. "In the purchase of hroken tiles, n See hereafter, p. 15. 
2s. 4±d. In four score and four bags of 



account which has hitherto fallen under the writer's notice. 
The art of working clay, one of the earliest arts, never fell 
wholly into abeyance in any country in which it had been 
once practised. In England it survived the period of 
Roman dominion, during which it was extensively culti- 
vated ; in the Domesday Survey potters appear among 
other crafts incidently enumerated ; and people who could 
work at all in clay were likely to have made bricks. The 
silence of early records on this subject is the more remark- 
able because there are still existing buildings of the thir- 
teenth century constructed in whole, or part, of these 
materials : it may be accounted for, by supposing that 
bricks continued to be made in the Roman fashion, and 
passed by the name of tiles : if so, tiles and tilers are men- 
tioned as early as the twelfth century, and constantly occur 
in documents of succeeding periods. In 1289, Edward the 
First began to enlarge the moat round the tower ; the clay 
thrown up was sold by the constable to certain tilers who 
worked in East Smithfield. In that year it produced only 
twenty shillings ; but the alterations in the fosse were 
twelve years in progress, during which time the soil ex- 
cavated and sold for the same purpose, yielded an average 
yearly profit to the exchequer of rather more than seven 
pounds ; a very large sum, if the relative value of money 
be considered, and equal, at least, to .a hundred pounds a 
year of the present currency . From this fact we may infer 
that the London manufacture of tiles was considerable at 
the close of the thirteenth century. 

The art of brick-making must, however, have been car- 

Account of Ralph de Sandwich, con- Edward the First, among the records 
stahle of the Tower of London, from the formerly in the custody of the Queen's 
seventeenth to the twenty-ninth year of Remembrancer. 



ried early in this country to a great state of perfection, if 
the specimens of moulded brick discovered in Essex, and 
attributed to the fourteenth century p , were really the pro- 
duce of native skill. But as it is in Essex and Suffolk, 
counties devoid of stone, that we find the earliest brick 
buildings, it is by no means improbable, that the materials 
were imported from Flanders, or manufactured on the spot 
by Flemish workmen, many of whom, it is well known, 
settled in the eastern counties at a remote time. It is 
certain, that in the fourteenth century tiles were imported 
from Flanders : during the progress of the works at St. 
George's chapel in the time of Edward the Third, nume- 
rous entries appear in the accounts of the purchase of 
Flemish tiles ; three thousand were bought on one occa- 
sion to line the chimneys in the chambers of the canons <i. 
Among the varieties of tile mentioned, are channel-tiles r , 
paving-tiles, and rug-tiles. It is rarely that old accounts 
supply any information respecting the cost or manufacture 
of those tiles which were employed in the construction of 
decorative pavements' Perhaps the earliest notice extant 
occurs in the building accounts of Thornton abbey, in Lin- 
colnshire, under the year 1313; it is for the purchase of 
earth to colour the tiles of the church 8 . 

Among the workmen employed in ancient times we find 
the masons, or cemenfarii, separated into classes as early as 
the beginning of the thirteenth century ; they were cutters 
and sculptors of free-stone 1 ; layers, or, as they were termed 
vernacularly, "leggeres" and setters ; they worked either by 

p Mr. Hussey in Archaeological Jour - from the French canele. 

nal, vol. v. pp. 34 — 40. s Archaeological Journal, vol. ii. p. 

i They cost about six shillings a thou- 364. 

sand. t " Sculptores lapidum liberorum." 

r Can' tegulae, or tegulae canellatae, London Assize of 1212. 



the piece u , or at fixed daily wages, with an extra allowance 
in some cases, as "metesilver," but at the highest fixed rate 
of daily pay no " metesilver," or corrody, was given x . Be- 
sides the plasterers and whitewashes, to whom we have 
already alluded, there were mud-stickers y , who filled up 
the frame-work of timber houses with mud-clay ; and be- 
sides the usual assistant labourers were excavators and bar- 
rowmen. In extensive buildings the various operatives 
worked in gangs under foremen ; such gangs sometimes 
consisted of twenty men, whose foreman was called a vin- 
tenier 2 , (yintenarius,) an appellation which was given in 
France, in after times, to the corporals of foot companies. 

Although there are in this country many specimens of 
painted glass of the twelfth century, that material is not 
mentioned for ordinary glazing purposes in any document 
of so early a date hitherto discovered. It seems pro- 
bable that it was originally confined to ecclesiastical build- 
ings, and that windows in houses were simply closed by 
wooden shutters, iron-stanchions being sometimes intro- 
duced for greater safety. That in some cases the method 
of securing windows was very inefficient appears by an 
anecdote related by Matthew Paris. When Henry the 
Third was staying at the manor of Woodstock in the year 
1238 a person who feigned insanity made his appearance 
in the hall, and summoned the king to resign his king- 
dom ; the attendants would have beaten and driven him 
away, but Henry making light of his conduct ordered 
them to desist and suffer the man to enjoy his delusions. 
In the night-time, however, the same individual contrived 

u "Ad tascham." 
x London Assize, 1212. 
Newgate, 1282. 

y " Luti appositores." See p. 25. 
Repairs of z Accounts of Works at Caernarvon 
castle, 14 Edw. I., A.D. 1286. 



to enter the royal bed-chamber through a window, and 
made towards the king's bed with a naked dagger in his 
hand ; luckily the king was in another part of the house 
and the intruder was discovered and secured*. Where 
windows were externally mere narrow apertures, widely 
splayed on the inside, it is probable that there were in- 
ternal shutters ; but it is clear from early drawings 
that shutters frequently opened outwards, being attached 
by hinges to the head of the window ; in such instances 
they were kept open by props. 

It would appear that canvas or a similar material, was 
occasionally used instead of glass in early times ; that it 
was employed to fill in the windows of churches before they 
were glazed, as early as the thirteenth century, does not 
admit of doubt, inasmuch as its application to that purpose 
is specifically mentioned in the building accounts of West- 
minster abbey in the reign of Henry the Third b . 

Whenever purchases of glass are noted in ancient ac- 
counts we find that it was bought at so much per foot ; 
indeed it may be observed, generally, that there has been 
little variation in the customs of trade in this country since 
the date of the earliest records existing. 

The iron used in architectural construction in early 
times is usually termed " Spanish iron the same ma- 
terial continued to be imported till a comparatively late 
period. Yet the extensive iron works of the forest of 
Dean, and the bloomeries of Furness, in Lancashire, were 
in full operation in the thirteenth century. There is also 

a Matthew Paris, ed. Wats, 1640, p. castle. Liberate, 23 Hen. III. This 

474. There is existing a writ of Henry was soon after the event at Woodstock 

the Third ordering the bailiffs of Windsor narrated above. 

to put iron-bars in the windows of the b Rotuli Compotorum, on the Pipe Rolls, 

chamber of Prince Edward in Windsor from the 50th to the 55th Henry III. 



another sort of iron mentioned in accounts of the thir- 
teenth century ; it is called " Osmund' the signification 
of the term is not very obvious, though we may presume 
it to be the name of the place of manufacture. 

It seems reasonable to suppose that the architectural de- 
signs of the middle ages were made on vellum. The 
material used in drawing is not satisfactorily ascertained, 
but it is said that the use of the carburet of iron, or black 
lead, has been observed in a manuscript of the twelfth 
century in the library at Wolfenbuttel . In the absence 
of that material however, common lead or chalk were pro- 
bably used ; and the lines might have been afterwards 
traced with pen and ink, as we may observe to be the case 
in unfinished miniature paintings in manuscripts of early 
date d . It should be remarked that the late Mr. Rick- 
man was disposed to think that working drawings were 
sometimes made on wooden tablets 6 ; but there is little 
ground for the supposition ; particularly if we remember 
how generally vellum or parchment was employed for the 
purposes of design in medieval times. 

That the moulds of working masons were cut in wood 
hardly appears to admit of doubt, since they continued to 
be of the same material till the recent application of metal 
to that purpose. The great uniformity of mouldings in 
different buildings of the same date has been ascribed by 
some to the use of tools made to a particular size ; it 
may be more readily accounted for by reflecting how in- 
considerable the number of masons must have been in 

c See the Archaeological Journal, vol. 
iv. p. 20. 

d This method may be especially re- 
marked in a splendid MS. Bible of the 

twelfth century in the chapter library at 

e Archaeological Journal, vol. iv. pp. 
17, 18. 



early times, and how probable it is that they should have 
carried their moulds from place to place, thus multiplying 
the same contours during the prevalence of the style to 
which they belonged. 

There is little difference between the mechanical powers 
employed in building in the thirteenth century and those 
in use at the present time. The lewis f and the crane were 
well known at the former period, and although the pro- 
gress of mechanical skill has led to the introduction of 
many valuable improvements in the apparatus of leverage, 
the principle involved remains the same. Indeed it may 
be reasonably affirmed that few of the arts which minister 
to the convenience or gratification of man have remained 
so stationary since the days of Vitruvius, as the science of 
architectural construction. 

f In early accounts it is called a " lowes." 



An enquiry into the state of Domestic Architecture in 
England during the twelfth century is attended with much 
difficulty. The comparatively few remains of domestic edi- 
fices of that period which have descended to our times, 
are either so greatly dilapidated, or so entangled with later 
alterations, that we are compelled to resort to early writings 
and evidences for materials to aid in describing their main 
features, and to determine the plan of construction usually 
adopted at the date of their erection. 

Such writings and evidences consist of the more ancient 
accounts of the Exchequer; of early conveyances of pro- 
perty, prepared late in the twelfth, or at the beginning of 
the thirteenth, century, and of notices in chroniclers and 
other writers. The process of evolving any consider- 
able amount of information from these sources is pain- 
ful and laborious ; but whoever would successfully pursue 
this subject must have recourse to it. The deeds referred 
to are especially important ; the boundaries and descrip- 
tions of property set forth in them frequently supplying 
valuable facts for consideration and comparison ; and it 
is chiefly from an assemblage of isolated facts that we can 
venture to speak, with any degree of authority, upon the 
character of the various buildings adapted to domestic 
accommodation either in the twelfth or succeeding cen- 


tury. There is also another species of information which 
must not be overlooked, viz. illuminations in ancient 
manuscripts, but unfortunately these pictorial decorations 
are comparatively scarce anterior to the thirteenth century, 
and are, generally speaking, not to be too greatly relied 
upon as evidences of architectural style ; however, they 
frequently afford useful hints as to minor details which 
should not be disregarded. 

It results from a comparison of these various authorities 
that in England, particularly in the southern parts of the 
country, ordinary manor-houses, and even domestic edifices of 
greater pretension, as the royal palaces, were generally built, 
during the twelfth century, on one uniform plan, compris- 
ing a hall with a chamber or chambers adjacent. The hall 
was generally situated on the ground floor, but sometimes 
over a lower story which was half in the ground ; it pre- 
sented an elevation equal or superior to that of the build- 
ings annexed to it : it was the only large apartment in the 
entire edifice, and was adapted, in its original design, to 
accommodate the owner and his numerous followers and 
servants ; they not only took their meals in the hall, but 
also slept in it on the floor, a custom the prevalence of 
which is shewn by numerous passages in early authors, 
particularly in the works of the romance writers. 

In medieval Latin this apartment, and, not unfrequently, 
the whole building, is termed " aula " thus the royal palace 
was styled " aula regis'' both in legal records and in 
chronicles. When the French language became generally 
used, the hall or building was called "la sale' or " salle ;" 
but in Saxon and Norman times alike the chief mansion 
was vernacularly designated a "Hall a ;" a place named 
" halla Haroldi" or " Harold's hall/' occurs in the sheriffs' 
accounts for Hampshire throughout the reign of Henry the 

a Anglo-Saxon heall. In Domesday tached to manors. See Ellis's Intro- 
halls are frequently mentioned as at- duction to that record, vol. i. p. 232. 


Second 5 . Hence the origin of the modern word "hall" 
as applied to a country residence. 

There is every reason to believe that this plan of 
building, so well fitted to the usages of domestic life in 
medieval times, was that which obtained most extensively 
not only in the twelfth but also in the preceding century. 
A house on this plan appears in the Bayeux tapestry. 
A valuable writer, Alexander Necham, or Nequam , who 
lived under the reigns of Henry the Second, of Richard 
the First, and John, in describing the various parts of 
a house d , enumerates the hall, the private, or bed-chamber, 
the kitchen, the larder, the sewery, and the cellar. His 
notice may be applied generally to all domestic buildings 
of any magnitude in the twelfth century. Such, and no 
more chambers, do the "king's houses" at Clarendon, 
Kennington, Woodstock, Portsmouth, and Southampton, 
appear to have contained, according to the Exchequer 
accounts of the time of Henry the Second. The hall is 
constantly referred to as the chief feature in all those edifices, 
and the only respect, probably, in which the houses of that 
monarch differed from the ordinary manor-houses of his 
time was, that they were on a greater scale, and had always 

b Under the head " Mienes." commissioners to investigate the king's 

c Alexander Nequam is said to have right to the patronage of the priory of 

heen born at St. Alban's, in 1157; he Kenilworth, dated 30th August, 1213, at 

was master of the grammar school in that which time he was not abbat of Ciren- 

town some time between the years 1188 cester; his election seems to have oc- 

andll95; he had previously a school at curred between August 1213 and May 

Dunstable. The punning answer of 1214, as on the 19th of the latter month 

abbot Warin to Nequam's request to the sheriff of Somerset and Dorset was 

have the school at St. Alban's, is recorded ordered to put him in possession of the 

by Matthew Paris; " Si bonus es venias. temporalities of the abbey in those coun- 

Si nequam, nequaquam." " Vitae viginti ties. Rot. Pat, vol. i. p. 103 b. ; Rot. 

trium S. Albani abbatum," ed. Wats, Claus., vol. i. p. 204 b. According to the 

1640, p. 94. In 1213 Nequam was authorities quoted by bishop Tanner, 

elected abbat of Cirencester : — " Ann ales Necham died in 1217. Bibl. Brit. Hib. 

Prioratus de Dunstaple," ed. Hearne, p. 541. 

67. There is extant, however, a writ of d In his treatise " de nominibus uten- 

King John, appointing him one of three silium." Cotton MS. Titus, D. xx. 


a chapel annexed to them. The instruments of sacred use, 
and furniture necessary for such chapels, were transferred 
from place to place with the sovereign • and thus in the 
most ancient household accounts extant, we find notices of 
the cost of hiring sumpter-horses, or carts, to carry " the 
king's chapel." 

The roof of the hall, when too large to be covered by a 
roof of a single span, was supported, according to its size, 
on one or more ranges of pillars of wood or stone. Marble 
columns, for the king's hall at Clarendon, are mentioned 
in an account of the year 1176 e . Necham says "in the 
hall let there be pillars at due intervals f ." Sometimes there 
appears to have been only one range of such supports, which, 
extending longitudinally through the room, reached to and 
carried the ridge or crest of the roof. But halls were 
frequently divided by pillars and arches of wood or stone 
into three parts, or aisles, like a church. One of this 
description remains at Oakham castle, Rutlandshire, being 
part of the structure erected by Walkelin de Ferrers about 
1180. The manor-house of Adam de Port, at Warneford, 
in Hants, a portion of which still exists, seems to have been 
built on this plan. Another existed until lately at Bar- 
nack, in Northamptonshire^ The engraving shews the 
remains of the arches which divided the hall. The hall 
at Winchester, now appropriated to the County Courts, 
and which was built very early in the thirteenth century, 
is a fine example of this arrangement. Mr. Smirke has 
proved clearly h that it never was a chapel, as many persons 
believed it to have been. The greater part of the epis- 
copal palace at Hereford appears to have been originally 
a hall with pillars and arches of wood. The refectory of 

e Rot. Pip. de eod. anno. tit. Hants. s It was destroyed about the year 1830. 

f " In aula sint postes debitis inter- h Proceedings of the Archaeological 
sticiis distincti." Institute at Winchester in 1846. 



the priory at Dover is a hall of magnificent dimensions, 
being 100 ft. long by 27 ft. wide, bnt it appears never to 
have been supported by pillars. 

The private, or bed, room, annexed to the hall, there 
being frequently only one 1 , was situated on the second 
story, and was called, from an early period, the "solar," 
or "sollere j ;" the chamber beneath it, on a level with 
the hall, was called the "cellar," and used as such. It 
would appear that there was no internal communication 
between the cellar and solar ; access from the latter 
to the hall being had by stairs of stone or wood within 
the hall or on its exterior. As to the kitchen, Necham 
remarks it was wont to be placed nigh the road or street. 
Accordingly we may observe in illuminations of the twelfth 
century, that the repast is brought into the hall, apparently 
from a court-yard k . In the Bayeux tapestry is a represen- 
tation of cooking going on in the open air. Of the position 
of the larder or buttery nothing exact can be said ; it was 
probably annexed to that part of the hall which Necham 
terms the "vestibule," like a buttery-hatch in one of our 
Collegiate halls. 

At Appleton in Berkshire there remains the entrance 
doorway to the hall of a Norman house of this period, 

> Henry the Second had a manor- 
house at King's Sombourn, Hants ; in 
the 7th of his reign the sheriff claimed 
an allowance of £12 for " the works of 
the chamber of the king and queen there." 
Rot. Pip. de eod. anno. The fashion of 
having but one private room which served 
alike as a sitting and bed-chamber con- 
tinued for some time after the twelfth 
century. Thus in 1287, Edward the First 
and Queen Eleanor were sitting on their 
bed-side, attended by the ladies of the 
court., when they narrowly escaped death 
by lightning. See Walsingham, " Ypo- 
digma Neustriae," p. 71, ed. 1574. 

j The upper-chamber of a house is so 
called in the London assize of 1189. It 
is unnecessary to refer to the various ex- 
planations of this term that have been 
given; every ancient deed which has 
fallen under the author's notice proves 
that it was an upper room. The private 
room was however sometimes on a level 
with the hall. 

k As in the representation of Lot 
entertaining the Angels, engraved in 
Strutt's Horda, from the Cottonian MS. 
Tiberius, C. vi. There are many other 
examples which need not be enume- 


opening at one end of the vestibule or " screen," as it 
was often called ; the two small doorways opening into 
the kitchen and buttery also remain, shewing that the 
arrangement of the hall was nearly the same as it still 
continues in Colleges and Inns of Court. 

Such were the accommodations deemed necessary in a 
manor-house of the twelfth century ; one might be larger 
than another, but the same simple plan appears to have 
been common to all. Tor defensive purposes it was en- 
closed by stone walls, or by a fence of wood, and moated. 
The walls or fence did not immediately surround the build- 
ings. Necham says the hall should have a porch beside 
the vestibule, and also a court-yard 1 ; in this, the front 
and principal court, the kitchen was placed, and probably 
the stables. He speaks also of an inner court in which 
poultry should be kept m . It would appear that, in addition 
to the outer defences, the entry to the hall-porch was some- 
times protected by posts and chains, forming a sort of bar- 
rier, probably against cattle. 

It is certain, however, that some houses were built during 
this century on a different plan, viz. in the form of a paral- 
lelogram, and consisting of an upper story, between which 
and the ground floor there was, sometimes, no internal com- 
munication. The lower apartment in such cases was vaulted, 
and the upper room approached by a flight of steps on the 
outside ; it was the only habitable chamber, and in it were 
frequently the only windows and fire-place. The manor- 
house at Boothby Pagnell in Lincolnshire is a good instance 
of such a house, but as the chimney rises from the ground, 
it most probably had fire-places in both stories : at Christ- 

1 " Corpus aule vestibulo muniatur, altilibus, gallis et gallinis, aucis et an- 

juxta quod portions honeste sit disposita ; seribus" &c. Alex. Necham, " De Na- 

atrium etiam habeat" &c. turis Rerum." MS. Harl. 3737. fo. 

m " Curia spectaculis eommunibus de- Hence domestic fowls were termed " cor- 

servire debet, sed chors secretior vestiatur tile byrries." 




church in Hampshire is another example of rather earlier 
date. A building in the High-street at Lincoln, known as 
the Jew's house, is a fine specimen of this period ; the 
principal dwelling room is on the first floor, where there 
is a fire-place on the side towards the street ; the chimney is 
corbelled out over the door, the lower part of it with the 
corbels forming a canopy over the doorway, which is richly 
ornamented ; the staircase appears to have been internal. 
There is another house in the same street of equal an- 
tiquity, but in a less perfect state. Moyses' hall at Bury 
St. Edmund's, a larger and, possibly, later building, appears 
to have been constructed on the same plan n . On the 
Bayeux tapestry there is the representation of a feast, held 
in the upper story of a house, which is supported on arches, 
and approached by steps on the outside. It would be 
wrong, nevertheless, to assume that the principle of having 
no internal communication between the upper and lower 
story in single houses, prevailed exclusively at this or at 
any other time, either in the country or in towns. The 
finest example of an external Norman staircase at present 
remaining in England is at Canterbury, immediately within 
the entrance of the close, it led to the Stranger's Hall which 
is destroyed. It is a covered staircase with an open ar- 
cade on each side richly ornamented, the arches of which 
gradually diminish in length to the top. At the bottom 
of the stairs are three arches, two of which serve for a 
passage through, and the third opened to an adjoining 
building. In the remains of a twelfth century house, ad- 
joining the west wall of Southampton, the corbels on which 
the internal staircase was carried, still remain . In short, 
it is well known that even in the seventeenth century houses 

» It is Mr. Blore's opinion that this the same date, of which there are many 
house evidently had a tower; resembling examples at Ratisbon. 
in this feature the old houses, of about ° See p. 32. 


were constructed on both plans, either with internal or ex- 
ternal access to the upper floor ; and they were, doubtless, 
so built in every previous century. Early houses in the 
north of England, particularly in Northumberland, can 
scarcely be cited as examples of the general mode of con- 
struction, except so far as that particular district is con- 
cerned. Exposed as a border country to the perpetual 
inroads of the Scots, its domestic buildings were rendered 
as strong as possible. Houses of this period when not en- 
closed within the walls of a town, seem to have been gene- 
rally built in such a manner as to resist any sudden attack. 

Little need be said of the materials of which the build- 
ings described were constructed. The hall was probably 
the most substantial part of a manor-house \ the solar or 
chamber adjacent was undoubtedly often merely a wooden 
structure reared on the solid walls of masonry forming the 
cellar beneath. Necham observes that the hall should be 
roofed with stone shingles or tiles, both of which were 
generally oval-shaped p, having a nail-hole in the upper 
part : several illuminations of the twelfth cen- 
tury represent workmen nailing shingles of 
this form to roofs ; the effect of such a mode 
of roofing is thus conventionally represented 
in those authorities. Tiles seem to have been 
fastened by wooden pegs. 

Although Necham does not mention lead as a material 
for roofing, his remarks applying we may presume to 
ordinary houses, for which that metal would have been 
too expensive, it was extensively used during this century 
in buildings of a superior class, both for roofs, and, as it 

p Shingles of the same form were used during some recent excavations on the 

by the Romans, and are found among the supposed site of a Roman building in 

remains of their villas in this country. Micheldever wood, Hants. 
A considerable number were dug up 

Cotton MS. Nero C. IV., circa 1125 

Bayeux tapestry. 



Cotton MS. Nero 0. IV. circa 1125. 



will be shewn hereafter, for gutters q. It was then ob- 
tained from the rich mines of Cumberland, from Allendale 
in Northumberland, and from Swaledale in Yorkshire'. 
It was purchased in the mass, and cast into sheets at the 
place where it was to be used. In building accounts of 
this, as well as of a later period, we find the item for fuel 
to melt lead. 

Norman roofs had a considerable pitch or elevation. 
The angle or ridge formed by the meeting of the rafters of 
the hall is mentioned by Necham 8 ; he does not allude, 
however, to any crest ornament. It seems, indeed, impro- 
bable that there was, at this period, much external orna- 
ment employed. Although embattled parapets were ordinary 
features in castellated buildings of the twelfth century, 
there is no certain evidence of their application to domestic 
structures of the same date ; yet it may be worthy of obser- 
vation, that battlements appear in almost every representa- 
tion of an architectural character in manuscripts of this and 
the preceding century*. It is well known that crenellated 
walls appear on monuments of very remote antiquity — as 
on the marbles brought from Nineveh and Lycia. 

For the sake of convenience it may be as well to give 

1 See deeds, Appendix, No. II. 

r See in the series of Pipe Rolls for 
the reign of Henry II. the returns for 
Cumberland and Northumberland. No- 
tices of the Swaledale mines will be found 
in the Yorkshire accounts, under the 
heading "Honor Comitis Conani;" the 
honour of Richmond being the appanage 
of Conan, earl of Bretagne, who built 
the keep of the castle there circa 1170. 
The lead for Windsor castle, in this reign, 
came from Cumberland; " et pro plumbo 
ad domos Regis de Windresore, xli. iijs." 
13 Hen. II. At this period large quan- 
tities of lead were exported ; the great 
church of the abbey of Clervaux, in 


Champagne, was roofed with lead from 
the Cumberland mines, given by Henry 
II.: — "Et pro c. careatis plumbi libe- 
ratis fratri Simoni ad operationem ec- 
clesie Clarevallensis, Ixvj.lL xiijs. iiijd." 
25 Hen. II. The same accounts contain 
frequent notices of the shipment of lead 
to Caen. 

s " Tigillis etiam opus est usque ad 
domus commissuram porrectis." The 
French interlinear gloss is " cheveruns." 

t As for example in the MS. of Ca?d- 
mon's Paraphrase in the Bodleian 
Library. — See Archseologia, vol. xxiv. 
PI. 77, 96, 100. 


in this place some account of metal-work, as architec- 
turally applied, in the twelfth centiuy. From an early 
period, in fact from the tenth century, it may be remarked 
that in all drawings and paintings in manuscripts iron-work 
on doors presents an ornamental character : the bars of the 
hinges project almost entirely across the panel, and are 
more or less floriated 11 . The scutcheons of locks are fre- 
quently ornamented, as in the annexed example v . Pad- 
locks, however, appear, according to Necham, to have been 
an ordinary apparatus for securing doors ; he says, " let 
the door have a pensile lock x ." Nail-heads are rarely re- 
presented, in early drawings, on the surface of doors ; and 
it may be that no attempt was made to render them orna- 
mental until a later date : we find that in the 1 9th of 
Henry II. , twenty-five thousand great nails, with heads, 
were supplied for the king's house at Winchester, by the 
borough of Gloucester, which, from its vicinity to the iron 
forges of the forest of Dean, was the Birmingham of the 
middle ages y . As in the case of lead, it may be observed, 
that much of the smith's work, as in bars, hinges, &c, 
was done upon the spot. In this and succeeding centuries 
the various classes of workmen having been assembled, 
their employer found the rough material, and it was worked 
by the side of the structure to which it was to be applied. 
This mode of proceeding naturally resulted from the gene- 
rally straitened means of the artificers of early times, the im- 
perfect division of labour, and also from the trouble and 

u Compare the MS. of Credmon be- cester. "Etproxxv.miliariis magnorum 

fore quoted. clavorum coronatorum, ad domus Regiis 

v From the Cottonian MS., Claudius de Wintonia, xlvs. Et pro v. miliariis 

D. iv. minorum clavorum ad easdem domos, 

* "Ostium seram habeat pensulam." vj s. viijd." The word "coronatorum" 

It is scarcely necessary to remark that can scarcely be taken to imply more than 

this direction could refer generally only that the nails had heads, although it may 

to an internal fastening. be inferred, without much probability, 

y Pipe Roll, 19 Hen. II., under Glou- that they were in some degree ornamental. 



Cottonian MS. Nero C. IV. circa 1125. 

Cotton MS. Nero C IV. 



cost of obtaining manufactured articles from the few great 
towns which then existed in this country 2 . 

So far as the exterior of buildings at this period is 
concerned, there is only one observation remaining in the 
authority that has been so frequently quoted, to which we 
need refer. It is recommended that the talus, or foot, of 
the wall should be protected by stakes a . 

It may seem extraordinary to suggest the probability 
that ashlaring was sometimes painted during this century ; 
yet it is often so represented in contemporary drawings, 
and the fact can scarcely be accounted for by supposing 
that artists introduced colour in that respect for the mere 
purpose of enhancing the effect of their work ; more especi- 
ally when it is considered how very literal the pictorial 
efforts of the age appear to have been. Without insisting 
that such was really the case, it may be observed that the 
blocks are generally painted in alternate colours, like a 
chess-board, and it is not improbable that the fashion may 
have been borrowed from continental examples. The over- 
flowing of the people of the north upon southern and 
eastern Europe during the first crusades, ultimately exer- 
cised much influence upon the various arts of their re- 
spective countries, and it is scarcely necessary to add that 
external decoration in colour, naturaP or artificial, was an 
ordinary feature of the more remarkable buildings of the 
Italian cities and of Constantinople. It will be seen, when 
we come to treat of the state of domestic architecture in the 

2 Of course more complicated works in 
iron, as locks, were not executed in the 
way described above. The " Locwrichtes" 
seem to have been a superior and inde- 
pendent craft from an early time ; work- 
ing also, as in later days, as bell-found- 

a " Projectum sive pes parietis stipiti- 

bus muniatur." The interlinear gloss 
is " bartuns." — Necham, ut supra. This 
may mean that the footings should be 
strengthened with cross-ties of wood 
(barotitis), or with planking laid unt!er 

b That is, in the material employed. 


fourteenth century, that one of the towers of Windsor 
castle was undoubtedly painted in various colours on the 
exterior. The flint panelling in ecclesiastical and secular 
buildings in Norfolk, and other parts, although it may have 
originated in a scarcity of stone, proves that mere diversity 
of colour was considered a legitimate means of producing 
architectural effect externally. 

These remarks comprehend the plan and those exter- 
nal features of domestic buildings of this period, which 
presented any striking architectural character; it now re- 
mains to give some account of their internal arrangement 
and decoration. 

Necham says that the windows of the hall should be 
properly constructed, looking towards the east. Moyses' 
hall, at Bury St. Edmund's, supplies a good example of the 
external and internal details of windows of this date. It 
will be observed that internally the masonry is not carried 
up all the way to the sill of the window ; by this arrange- 
ment a bench of stone is formed on each side of it. The 
same fashion may be remarked in the windows of the hall 
at Winchester, built, as already stated, in the thirteenth 
century, and it continued much later. The window in the 
upper story of the king's house at Southampton, perhaps 
the earliest remaining example of this period, presents 
some striking peculiarities. There is an early instance of 
the square-headed window in Moyses' hall ; where it occurs 
divided by a mullion under a semicircular arch. It seems 
probable, however, that during the twelfth century win- 
dows were often very narrow apertures in the wall, splayed 
internally. Joceline of Brakelonde describes Samson abbat 
of Bury as lodging, in the year 1182, in one of the manor- 
houses, or granges, of that abbey, and narrowly escaping 
death by fire, the only door of the upper story of the house 
being locked, and the windows too narrow to admit of 







W. Twopeny, drf. 

O. Jewitt, sc 



escape . Abbat Samson was of a rather spare habit of 

There is not, unfortunately, any good evidence that 
windows in domestic buildings of this century were glazed. 
In the Exchequer accounts, already so often quoted, there 
are many charges for making and repairing windows, in the 
reign of Henry IT., but it is believed that glass is not once 
named, although it was certainly used in ecclesiastical build- 
ings of the same date. The probability is that the win- 
dows were usually fitted with wooden shutters, lattices or 
fenestrate, and sometimes with iron bars, as we know they 
continued to be very generally in the thirteenth and early 
in the fourteenth century, long after glass had been intro- 
duced into the royal palaces and the houses of the nobility. 

It has been stated previously that frequently the only 
fire-place in the building was in the private chamber, or 
solar, annexed to the hall, on the upper story, over the cellar. 
The chimney-piece remaining in the house at BoothbyPagnell 
presents a good example of the form generally prevalent 
in this century, and corresponds very minutely with the 
representations of fire-places in contemporary illuminations. 
Indeed down to the fifteenth century there is very little 
variation in the general design of fire-places. At Rochester 
castle they have semicircular arches, ornamented with zig- 
zags, and with shafts in the jambs. In Colchester castle 
the fire-places are constructed of Roman-like tiles, which 
give them an earlier appearance, but their real date seems 
to be the Norman period . At Newcastle there is a fire-place 
of this period, with a segmental arch ornamented with the 
usual Norman billet. There are several fire-places at Foun- 
tain's abbey of this century. At Coningsburgh castle the 

c "Cronica Jocelini de Brakelonda," Rugby, for directing my attention to this 
published by the Camden Society, p. 23. passage. The room is called solium, a 
I am indebted to Mr. M. H. Bloxam, of term often used for solarium. 



opening of the chimney is square, with shafts in the jambs, 
and what is called a straight arch, that is, the mantel-piece 
is formed of several stones joggled together. This is the 
case also at Fountain's abbey. In the Norman house ad- 
joining the west wall of Southampton, there is, on the first 
floor, another instance, differing from that at Boothby 
Pagnell, inasmuch as it has shafts in the jambs ; there the 
chimney appears to have been carried up to the top of the 
wall, which was certainly not always the case, the vent for 
the smoke being sometimes pierced through the wall. 

If we may draw any positive conclusion from representa- 
tions in manuscripts, taken in connection with good evidence 
of the practice of the thirteenth century, to be hereafter 
cited, the kitchen was open in the roof, the cooking being 
performed at an iron grate d , which stood in the centre of it. 
Necham directs that the kitchen should have a drain or 
gutter to carry off the refuse of the apartment 6 ; it is not im- 
probable that this convenient appendage ran across the floor. 

As regards the cellar, or substructure of masonry, gene- 
rally vaulted, over which the hall, solar, or private chamber 
was built, a fine example of this period was destroyed some 
years ago, viz., the lower story of part of the inn of the 
Prior of Lewes, in Southwark, of which an engraving is 
annexed. In this instance the hall appears to have been 
over the vaulted room. The general destination of this 
part of a twelfth century house has been before explained ; 
it may be added, however, that in some instances it appears 
to have been used not only as a store-room, but also as a 
brewery, and not unfrequently, where great security was 
needed, as a stable. 

d " Caminum ferreum." This appa- 
ratus continued in use until the fifteenth 

e " In coquina sit mensula &c. et ruder 

ad quod sordes coquine defluere possint." 
The interlinear gloss is guter. — Conf. 
Prompt. Parv., sub voce. 





Csedmon MS. 



We have no great amount of information respecting the 
internal finish, decoration, or furniture of houses at this 
early period ; but several curious details occur in Caedmon 
and on the Bayeux tapestry. Necham, to whose hints the 
reader is indebted for many of the illustrations already given, 
alludes, in his somewhat rhetorical censure of the luxury ex- 
hibited in buildings of his own times, to the smoothing and 
polishing of the surface of the walls by the mason's trowel f . 
It is certain that rough Norman masonry was very frequently 
plastered, and in this case he may have referred to neater 
work of that description on the internal surface of walls. 
The finer material used for that purpose, now, as anciently, 
called plaster of Paris, was an article imported into this 
country in the thirteenth century 8 , and probably at an earlier 
date. The same writer speaks also of carving and painting 
as internal ornaments, and sneers at sculptured epistyles 
as obnoxious to spiders' webs h . In another place he says, 
the walls of the private chamber should be covered with 
hangings, to avoid flies and spiders; and observes that 
tapestry should be conveniently suspended from the epi- 
style, meaning, of course, in cases where the room was 
divided by columns ; we know that this contrivance for 
separating one portion of an apartment from the remainder 
was in use until the sixteenth century, and it appears to 
have been often employed at the entry of rooms in place 
of a door 1 . Of domestic furniture in the twelfth century 
little can be said, except that it appears to have been 

f " Surgit et erigitur altitudo muri ex h " Supponitur tectum tignis et laque- 

cemento et lapidibus constructi, secun- aribus obnoxium. Quid de celaturis et 

dum legem amussis et perpendiculi. De- picturis dicam," — "Scilicet opus erat 

betsesuperficiei muri equalitas levigature ut celature epistiliorum aranearum casses 

et perpolitioni trulle cementarie," &c. sustinereut." Necbam, ut supra. 

Alex. Necbam de Naturis Rerum, MS. 1 Hangings of this description are of 

Harl. 3737 fo. 95, b. See also Introduc- ordinary occurrence in the drawings orna- 

tion, p. xxvi. menting Saxon MSS. of the tenth and 

S The gypsum was brought over rough eleventh centuries, 
and burnt here. 


scanty. A bed and a chest were the chief appendages of 
the sleeping room, and tables and benches, sometimes with 
back-rails, of the hall. In contemporary illuminations 
stools of various, and sometimes fantastical, shapes may be 
noticed. Beds in this, or indeed any earlier, period are 
seldom represented with canopies. The walls in the 
houses of the wealthy were undoubtedly hung with some 
kind of tapestry, as we find Necham recommends it ; 
though it is probable that this decoration was confined to 
the private chamber, and to the dais, or raised part, of the 
hall. The chest in the bed -room served the place of a 
wardrobe, and held the cumbrous apparel and valuables of 
the owner ; it may be added that coffins were often made 
like chests with locks and hinges, and are so represented in 
ancient drawings ; stone coffins appear to have been mostly 
confined to districts where the material was abundant. 

The floors of rooms seem to have been usually of wood, 
as well in domestic as in military buildings J , unless they 
were on the ground, or on a vault, and it is believed that 
no mention of the use of paving tiles during this century 
can be found that does not refer to an ecclesiastical edifice. 
The existence of corbel stones, on which the joists of floor- 
ing were carried, in the remains of domestic buildings 
of this date, both ecclesiastical and secular, shew that 
wooden floors were in ordinary use ; and the fact will be 
further attested in the observations to be made on houses 
within towns. They were, at this time, strewed with dried 
rushes in winter, and green fodder in summer ; a custom 
which, like other early usages, prevailed to a late date. 

At this point we may quit the subject of the larger class 
of those domestic edifices during the twelfth century which 
were not of a military character, and were situated without 

j " Pro turri planchianda" Acct. of the lisle castle, temp. Hen. II. Many other 
sheriff of Cumberland, for repairs of Car- examples might be adduced. 

Benedictional of St. Ethel wold MS 








i n o I 



Bayeux tapestry. 



Bayeux tapestry. 

Cotton MS. Nero C. IV 

Caedracn ?J3 



the walls of cities. Before doing so, however, it may be 
observed that, singular as it may appear that there should 
have been but one principal private chamber contained in 
any house at that period, not even excepting the royal man- 
sions, there is nevertheless very little doubt that such was the 
case. We find that when our sovereigns did not attend 
to public business in the hall, or give audience in their 
chamber, they used the chapel for that purpose. In the 
chroniclers of the twelfth, and even of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, there are frequent notices of the transaction of secular 
business in the domestic chapel k . The apparent difficulty 
may be resolved by remembering the comparative poverty 
of the country, the trouble and cost of obtaining, in some 
parts, any other building materials than wood, and lastly the 
rude manners of medieval times, which tolerated the indis- 
criminate use of the hall, as a sleeping apartment, for cen- 
turies after the immorality which the practice engendered 
had supplied themes for the ribald songs and tales of the 
earliest itinerant minstrels and romancers. 

The most satisfactory evidence exists of the style in 
which the better class of houses in towns were built, in 
London at least, during this century. The citizens assem- 
bled, in the first year of the reign of Richard I., en- 
acted certain regulations "for appeasing the contentions 
which sometimes arise among neighbours touching boun- 
daries made or to be made between their lands, so that 
such disputes might be settled according to that which 
was then provided and ordained. And the said pro- 
vision and ordinance was called an Assize." We learn 
from this remarkable document, which is printed at length 
in the Appendix, that in ancient times, that is, in times 
anterior to the year 1189, the greater part of the city was 

k See the anonymous chronicle of Legibus," recently published by the Cam- 
Battle Abbey ; also " Liber de Antiquis den Society. 



built of wood, the houses being roofed with straw, reeds, 
and similar materials. The frequent fires which took place 
owing to this mode of building, and more particularly the 
great conflagration in the first year of the reign of Stephen, 
which spread from London bridge to the church of St. 
Clement Danes, destroying in its progress the cathedral, 
compelled the citizens to adopt some measures to avert the 
recurrence of such a calamity. Therefore, says the Assize, 
" many citizens, to avoid such danger, built according to 
their means, on their ground, a stone house covered and 
protected by thick tiles against the fury of fire, whereby it 
often happened that when a fire arose in the city and burnt 
many edifices and had reached such a house, not being able 
to injure it, it there became extinguished, so that many 
neighbours' houses were wholly saved from fire by that 

It is clear from this statement, that up to the first of 
Stephen houses in London were constructed much as 
they had been in the earlier Saxon times, almost wholly 
of wood; but from that period a change began to take 
place ; the inhabitants were encouraged to build of stone, 
and, to that end, various privileges were conceded to those 
who adopted the new fashion. These privileges are thus 
detailed in the Assize of 1189. 

" When two neighbours shall have agreed to build between 
themselves [a Avail] of stone, each shall give a foot and a 
half of his land, and so they shall construct, at their joint 
cost, a stone wall, three feet thick and sixteen feet in height. 
And, if they agree, they shall make a gutter between them, 
at their common expense, to receive and carry off the w r ater 
from their houses, as they may deem most convenient. 
But if they should not agree, either of them may make 
a gutter to carry the water dripping from his house on to 
his own land, except he can convey it into the high street. 


" They may also, if they agree, raise the said wall 
as high as they please, at their joint expense : and if it 
shall happen that one should wish to raise the wall, and 
the other not, it shall be lawful for him who is willing, 
to raise his own part as much as he please, and build 
upon it l * without damage of the other, at his own cost ; 
and he shall receive the falling water as is aforesaid. 

"And if both would have arches m in the wall, let the 
arches be made on each side of the depth of one foot 
only, so that the wall between the arches may be one foot 
thick. But if one would have an arch, and the other not, 
he shall find free-stone and cause it to be cut, and the 
arch shall be set at their joint expense. 

" And if any one would build of stone, according to the 
Assize, and his neighbour through poverty cannot, or per- 
chance will not, then he shall yield unto him desiring to 
build by the Assize three feet of his land, and the other 
shall make a wall upon that land, at his own cost, three 
feet thick and sixteen feet in height ; and he who giveth 
the land shall have the clear moiety of the wall, and 
[the right to] put his timber" upon it and build. And they 
shall make gutters to receive and carry off the water falling 
from their houses as is aforesaid. But as regards a wall 
built at the joint cost of neighbours it is always lawful 
for him so desiring to raise his own part at his own expense, 
without damage of the other. And if they would have 
arches, let them be made on each side, as is aforesaid. 

1 The unraised half of the wall was pear hereafter, for aumbries or cup- 
called the rebate, in deeds nearly con- boards. 

temporary with this docu- 
ment. See Appendix, No. 
II. The propriety of the 
name is obvious if a sec- 
tion of the wall be taken ; 

m Such arches were used, as will ap 

n The word in the original Latin is 
panna, which may signify either the joists 
for flooring, or a wooden superstructure. 
In its original sense the phrase appears 
to have been confined to wooden roofing. 
See Du Cange, sub voce. 


But nevertheless he who giveth the land shall find free-stone 
and cause it to be cut, and the other at his own cost shall 
set it. 

"And if any one shall build his own stone-wall, upon 
his own land, of the height of sixteen feet, his neighbour 
ought to make a gutter under the eaves of the house 
which is placed on that wall, and receive in it the water 
falling from that house, and lead it on to his own land, 
unless he can lead it into the high street ; and he shall, 
notwithstanding, have no interest in the aforesaid wall, 
when he shall build beside it. And even though he should 
not build, he shall nevertheless always receive the water 
falling from his house built on that wall, on his land, and 
carry it off without damage of him to whom the wall 

"Also no one of two parties having a common wall 
built between them, can, or ought, to pull down any 
portion of his part of the said wall, or lessen its thickness, 
or make arches in it without the assent and will of the 

" And concerning the necessary chambers in the houses 
of citizens, it is thus appointed and ordained ; that if the 
pit made in such a chamber be walled with stone, the 
mouth of the said pit should be distant two feet and a 
half from the land of a neighbour, even though there be 
a common wall between them. But if it should not be 
lined with stone, it ought to be distant three feet and a 
half from the neighbour's land. 

" And if any one shall have windows looking towards 
the land of a neighbour, and although he and his pre- 
decessors have been long possessed of the view of the afore- 

In the original domus, meaning, pro- 
bably, nothing more than the upper room 
erected on the party walls of stone ; this 

superstructure was generally of wood ; in 
one of the clauses it is called the solar. 
See the next page. 



said windows, nevertheless his neighbour may lawfully 
obstruct the view of those windows, by building opposite 
to them on his own ground, as he shall consider most 
expedient ; except he who hath the windows can shew 
any writing whereby his neighbour may not obstruct 
the view of those windows. 

" And if any one have corbels in the wall of his neigh- 
bour, the entire wall being his neighbour's, he cannot 
remove the aforesaid corbels, that he may fix them in 
any other part of the aforesaid wall, except with the assent 
of him to whom the wall belongs ; nor put more corbels 
in the aforesaid wall than he had before. 

"And if any one have a wall built between him and 
his neighbour, entirely covered at the top with his roof 
and timber, although his neighbour may have in the afore- 
said wall corbels or joists for the support of his solar, 
or even arches or aumbries, either by the grant of him who 
hath the wall covered, or of his ancestor, or even with- 
out their knowledge, nevertheless he cannot claim nor 
have more in the aforesaid wall than he hath in possession, 
without the assent of him who hath the wall covered ; 
and he ought to receive the water falling from the house 
built upon the wall under the eaves of the said house, as is 
aforesaid, and lead it off at his own proper cost. 

"Also if any one should make a pavement in the 
high street unjustly, to the nuisance of the City and of 
his neighbour, that neighbour may lawfully hinder it by 
the bailiffs of the city, and it shall so remain until it be 
considered and decided by the jurors of the Assize.'' 

It is very evident upon carefully analysing this curious 
specimen of early civic legislation, which is now first 
printed in English, that although the citizens might, if it so 
pleased them, construct their houses entirely of stone, yet 
they were not absolutely required to do more than erect 


party -walls sixteen feet in height ; the material of the 
structure built on such walls being left entirely to individual 
choice ; and there can be no doubt that in the generality 
of houses it was of wood. This assumption is justified by 
the fact that in deeds of a much later period, houses con- 
structed wholly of stone are frequently named as boun- 
daries without any further or more special description than 
that such was the substance of which they were built. It 
is obvious that in a district where edifices were generally 
reared in stone such a description would have been vague 
and insufficient. If in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- 
turies stone buildings were objects of mark in London, 
we are justified in believing that they were equally un- 
common in the twelfth century. Therefore it would ap- 
pear that the Assize of 1189 had no more direct effect upon 
the style of building, at the time it was enacted, than that 
of regulating the method of constructing party-walls of a 
given height, and then only in cases where individuals were 
willing to build of stone. It took no cognisance of any part 
of an edifice beyond such walls, and the contrivances in 
them, as corbels, for carrying a superstructure. People 
being left to their own discretion finished their dwellings 
with the cheapest and most accessible materials ; and thus 
the solars of the Londoners continued to be, during this 
and a long subsequent period, mere wooden lofts, and that 
indeed is the primary signification of the term. This view 
of the subject is supported by the circumstance that when- 
ever the upper apartment was carried out in stone it is 
called, in deeds, " solarium lapideum," a stone solar, whereas 
in ordinary cases the material of the substructure being- 
named that of the solar is not described. 

But if further proof be required that the regulations of 
1189 produced no great or immediate effect on the style 
of building in London, it is supplied by a similar ordinance 


issued in the reign of King John. A fire occurred on the 
eleventh of July, in the year 1212, which destroyed London 
bridge, then a wooden structure, and a great number of 
houses. In some respects this accident appears to have 
been more serious than the conflagration of the time of 
Stephen. The citizens again took counsel to provide, if 
possible, against the recurrence of such a calamity, when 
the following decrees were published. 

"That all ale-houses be forbidden, except those which 
shall be licensed by the common council of the city at 
Guildhall, excepting those belonging to persons willing to 
build of stone, that the city may be secure. And that no 
baker bake, or ale-wife brew p , by night, either with reeds 
or straw or stubble, but with wood only. 

" They advise also that all the cook-shops on the Thames 
be whitewashed and plastered within and without, and 
that all inner chambers and hostelries be wholly removed, 
so that there may remain only the house (domus q ), and 

" Whosoever wishes to build, let him take care, as he 
loveth himself and his goods, that he roof not with reed, 
nor rush, nor with any manner of litter, but with tile only, 
or shingle, or boards, or, if it may be, with lead, within the 
city and Portsoken. Also all houses which till now are 
covered with reed or rush, which can be plastered, let 
them be plastered within eight days, and let those which 
shall not be so plastered within the term be demolished 
by the alderman and lawful men of the venue. 

p In London, and other parts of the 
country, brewing was generally managed 
by women, till a comparatively late time. 
In the fifteenth century Fleet-street was 
chiefly occupied by ale-wives and felt- 
cap makers. 

q In this passage house appears to mean 

the large apartment or hall in which the 
family and customers assembled. In 
farm-houses in the north of England the 
kitchen, where the family and servants 
used formerly to sit, was called the 
house-place. See the colloquy of Eras- 
mus entitled Diversoria. 


"All wooden-houses which are nearest to the stone- 
houses in Cheap, whereby the stone-houses or Cheap may- 
be in peril, shall be securely amended by view of the mayor 
and sheriffs, and good men of the city, or, without any 
exception, to whomsoever they may belong, pulled down. 

<c The watches, and they who watch by night for the 
custody of the city shall go out by day and return by day, 
or they by whom they may have been sent forth shall be 
fined forty shillings by the city. And let all houses in 
which brewing or baking is clone be whitewashed and 
plastered within and without, that they may be safe 
against fire. 

<c Let all the aldermen have a proper hook and cord, and 
let him who shall not have one within the appointed term, 
be amerced by the city. Foreign 1 ' workmen who come 
into the city, and refuse to obey the aforesaid decree shall 
be arrested, until brought before the mayor and good men 
to hear their judgment. They say also that it is only 
proper that before every house there should be a tub full 
of water, either of wood or stone 8 ." 

These compulsory regulations shew how little good had 
resulted, up to the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
from the assize of 1189; although there were some stone 
houses in Cheapside, the generality of domestic buildings 
were still wooden and thatched. That they were little 
better than mean hovels may be inferred from the sum- 
mary way in which their demolition is ordered, and from 
the fact that an alderman's hook and cord were imple- 
ments quite sufficient to pull them down in case of sudden 
fire, or any other emergency. The wages of the various 

Extranei ; this terra does not imply 
foreigners, in the modern sense of the 
term, but simply workmen not belonging 
to the liberties of the city. 

s From Add. MS. (British Museum) 
14,252, fo. 133, b. to 134, b. It is of 
the same date as the ordinance. 



classes of workmen were fixed by this ordinance ; as car- 
penters, masons, tilers, cutters of free-stone, whitewashes, 
mud-plasterers, torchers', excavators and barrow-men. 
The daily pay of carpenters, masons, and tilers was the 
same, threepence with keep, or fourpence halfpenny with- 
out, sums equal, at least, to five shillings per diem of the 
present currency, if not more. It is remarkable that brick- 
layers are not mentioned, as it is certain bricks were some- 
times used for building in the thirteenth century : indeed 
people who could make tiles would naturally make bricks, 
although, as before observed", the latter were made per- 
haps in the Roman manner, as thick flat tiles. The mud- 
plasterers were, doubtless, those who filled up the timber 
framework of houses with mud-clay well mixed with straw, 
which was afterwards whitewashed ; a material resembling 
Devonshire cob of the present time. 

The passage relating to the cook-shops on Thames side 
is worthy of observation. The fondness of the Londoners 
for good cheer is noticed by several writers of the twelfth 
century, as Fitzstephen and Richard of Devizes. These 
eating-houses, which resembled in character the popince of 
the Romans, continued to be chiefly situated on the line of 
the road from St. Paul's, by Watling-street, to the Tower, 
down to the fifteenth century, when most of them had 
become regular inns. From the order to demolish the 
inner chambers and hostelries attached to them, it would 
appear that even at this early period they partook of 
the nature of inns for the accommodation of travellers : 
the buildings directed to be removed were probably mere 

4 The signification of this word is ob- in the above instance, to those who pre- 

scure : in old French torcher means to pared a material like the modern French 

wipe or make clean ; — torche, a wisp, or torchis, a compost of mud-clay and straw, 

wad, of straw ; — iorchon de paille, a hand- or chopped hay. 

ful of straw, as much as a thatcher lays u Introd., p. xxvii. 
on at once. It seems however to apply, 



pent-houses, or temporary structures, which had grown up 
around the kitchen. Thus the inns of our universities, 
and the inns of court were, originally, mean lodgings for 
scholars, clustered round a common hall, and a common 

It will be remarked that chimneys are not once named 
in either of the Assizes ; no provision is made for them in the 
construction of a party wall. At first sight this omission 
would seem to favour the belief that in towns as in the 
country, fire-places were ordinarily on the upper story of 
a house. It must be recollected, however, that to have 
permitted the making of a fire-place in walls which were 
devised as a protection against the ravages of fire, would 
have been, in some measure, to defeat the object of the 
ordinance, and that the walls in front and rear of a 
house were still applicable to the construction of hearths 
and flues x . Still, it is singular that a set of regulations 
originating in a wish to avert the consequences of fire, 
should make no reference to the frequent cause of that 
calamity. It may be observed that in London houses of 
this period the kitchen and brewhouse were on the ground 
floor, and there seems no reason to doubt that there was a 
fire-place in it also y . 

It is evident from existing remains, civil as well as mili- 
tary, and from the documents cited above, that private 
decency was anything but neglected during this century. 
Indeed from very early times the English seem to have 
made better provision in that respect than their neighbours 
on the continent. In the domestic buildings yet remaining 
of monasteries of this date, the contrivances alluded to are 
admirably designed. The assize of 1189, it will be ob- 
served, regulates the position of the camera privates of the 

x There remain a few houses of early the gable and towards the street, 
date in which the chimney is carried up y See the Deed, Appendix, No. II. 



Londoners with respect to party walls ; pits walled with 
stone are noticed as if they were in ordinary use. Stone 
shafts, apparently of this kind, have been occasionally found 
in late excavations in London ; the last example discovered 
was on the site of the new Coal Exchange in Thames- 
street ; its base rested on a portion of the pavement of a 
Roman house 2 . 

These observations on the character of houses in the 
metropolis, in the twelfth century, have a general rela- 
tion to similar buildings in other parts of the kingdom. 
There were from the earliest period certain peculiarities 
of situation, as with reference to the security of the district, 
and the facility with which building materials of a par- 
ticular description could be obtained, that exercised an 
undoubted influence upon the style of construction in 
different provinces ; but it may be safely assumed that 
the general plan of domestic buildings in towns was very 
similar in all parts of the country. 

z Archaeological Journal, vol. v. p. 32. 




The remains of Oakham castle consist of the hall and 
a ruined wall which surrounds the enclosure in which it 
stands. This is of an irregular, somewhat circular, shape. 
It is entered by a gateway of late date on the south side. 
The wall does not appear to have been intended for defence, 
as it is in general thin, and is composed of loose rubble, 
or rag, and filled in with mud. Within the wall is a well, 
and the inequalities of the ground shew the foundations of 
several buildings, but there are none standing except the 
hall. Outside the wall is a high bank and wide moat, now 
nearly dry, and other banks which have enclosed a garden, 
fish-pond, &c. The walls of the enclosure are only sepa- 
rated from the churchyard by a narrow path. 

The history of the whole building, together with much 
curious information, is given by the Rev. C. H. Hartshorne 
in the Archaeological Journal, vol. v. 

The hall, which (though with some alterations to adapt 
it to its present use as a county hall) is still in a remark- 
ably perfect state, is built east and west, and in a direct 
line with the centre of the church. The masonry is rubble, 
with ashlar buttresses and quoins. The style of the build- 
ing is that of the latter part of the twelfth century, being a 
transition from Norman to Early English, and the beauty 
of design and superiority of execution of its ornamental 
parts render this building one of the most valuable exam- 
ples of that style which Ave possess. It measures inside 







65 ft. by 43 ft., and is divided by two rows of pillars and 
arches, thus cutting off two aisles which are lean-tos. The 
arches rise from circular pillars with highly enriched capi- 
tals. There are no responds, the arches at the ends spring- 
ing from corbels. 

The principal entrance was originally at the east end of 
the south side, and there are also two low segmental- 
headed doors at the east end, and another door at the 
north-west, which have all communicated with the offices, 
as may be seen by the foundations yet remaining. There 
are two buttresses of slight projection at each end of the 
building, but none on the sides. There are four win- 
dows each on the north and south sides, and one in 
the gable of the east end, which is round-headed, with 
two pointed lights. The windows on the side are all 
of one general form but varied in detail, no two being 
exactly alike. They are externally double lancets divided 
by a shafted mullion, and internally round-headed, but the 
openings for light are square, the upper part of the lancet 
being left solid, and either plain or filled in with foliage, 
small arches, or trefoils. They have all shafts on the 
mullion, in general with a row of tooth-ornament on each 
side. They have likewise all of them had shafts in the 
jamb, the square angles of the jamb being cut in tooth- 
ornament, but these shafts are gone except a portion in one 
of the windows on the north side, which is cut out of the 
same stone as the jamb. The shafts are sometimes round, 
sometimes octagonal. The abacus throughout is square, 
with good Norman mouldings. The foliage of the capitals 
is in general Norman, but in some approaches Early Eng- 
lish. The bases are in general good, one of them has 
the corner ornament. The heads have round and hollow 
mouldings with another which prevails throughout the 
building, this is a quirked ogee. The window recesses 


inside are splayed and round-headed, and have the angle 
chamfered off with a hollow moulding filled with tooth- 
ornament, which has a very good effect. The tympanum 
has two slightly sunk semicircular arches rising from the 
mullion. The east window has a bold round moulding on 
the angle. The door is round-headed, with a square abacus 
to the capitals and banded shafts, and the tooth-ornament 
on the jambs. On the inside it has a round moulding 
instead of the hollow chamfer. The pillars are circular, 
with bases with foot ornaments, and mouldings partaking 
much of Early English character. The capitals are very 
rich and of a Corinthian form, the scrolls and cauliculi 
being imitated, but very much, and elegantly, varied. The 
plan of the upper moulding of the bell is sometimes circular 
and sometimes quatrefoil, and is in some of them beauti- 
fully worked into the tooth-ornament, which is bold and 
deeply undercut, and produces a fine effect ; in others it is 
plain. The abacus is square, with the angles canted, and 
in some has the lower part ornamented with the indented 
moulding or with a series of small round arches. The 
whole character of the capitals is very similar to those at 
Canterbury and Oxford cathedrals, but more so to some 
foreign examples, as at Soissons and Blois. 

On the capitals at the springing of the arches are female 
figures and animals playing on musical instruments, but 
these are much mutilated, a harp and two crowts may still 
be seen. In the same situation in the aisles are human 
heads very well executed. The arches have no projecting 
label, but the outer moulding is the same as that round the 
window recesses, filled with the tooth-ornament, and resting 
on heads against the walls ; under this is the plain wall, 
and within this the quirked ogee. 

The corbels which support the outer arches are very fine, 
they consist of a moulded corbel, out of which is cut a small 















arch, with the tooth -ornament on the angle, this is sup- 
ported by an animal which again is supported by two 
heads. The one nearest the entrance door at the east end 
appears to be what is heraldically called a "cat a mountain/' 
and is supported by the heads of a king and queen, which 
appear evidently to be those of Henry II. and his queen, 
Eleanor of Guienne. The next is a lion supported on two 
heads, male and female, which appear to be portraits. The 
third has the mane and tail of a lion, but the head is 
different, this is supported by two heads without beards, 
but still apparently male and female, with very expressive 
faces. The fourth is a bull, supported by male and female 
heads, remarkable for the mode in which the hair is dressed, 
indeed the whole series are highly valuable as examples of 
costume, shewing the various modes of wearing the hair 
and beard at that period. The disposition of the folds in 
the drapery of the musicians is also very characteristic of 
the sculpture of the time. The roof is a king-post roof, but 
has nothing original except the pitch, part of it having been 
put up by Villiers, duke of Buckingham, and the rest being 

The style of the building clearly shews it to be about 
1180, and as it is said to have been built by Walkelyn de 
Ferrars, that date agrees with it. 

It should have been mentioned that the spring-stones or 
skew-tables of the gables on the north side are each sup- 
ported by two heads, male and female. The crests of the 
gables too are ornamented with large figures, that at the 
east end being a figure in long surcoat, mounted on the 
back of a lion or other animal, and that at the west being 
a sagittary, the bow and arrow of which are now gone, 
having served as a mark for rifle shooters some years since, 
and by that means been destroyed. 




The direct passage from Southampton to the coast of 
Normandy rendered it, so long as our sovereigns retained 
their French domains, the most convenient port for their 
embarkation, while its favourable geographical position, ap- 
preciated in early times by the Romans, made it the chief 
resort of merchants from southern Europe. Its vicinity to 
the opulent city of Winchester, long celebrated for its an- 
nual fair on St. Giles's hill, was another attraction for 
medieval traders, who were thus enabled to dispose of 
their cargoes without incurring the cost and peril of a 
voyage, or land-journey, to London. Prom Southampton 
our first Richard sailed on his memorable crusade, and an- 
cient accounts tell us how the sheriff supplied him ten 
thousand horse-shoes with double sets of nails for his 
chivalry, and eight hundred Hampshire hogs for the pro- 
vision of his fleet a . Thither came, in the infancy of English 
commerce, those " great ships from Bayonne," laden with 
Eastern products, the arrival of one of which was, even so 
late as the thirteenth century, an event anxiously expected 
by royalty ; and it was there that the merchants of Bour- 
deaux landed their cargoes of wine, the prisage of which, 
two tuns from each ship, was long an important item of 
the crown revenue. 

It is obvious that during the times this port was so 
frequently used by English sovereigns, there must have 
been some place for their accommodation while waiting to 
embark, or on landing. Accordingly it appears that there 
was anciently a " king's house" in Southampton b ; and by 
the joint aid of tradition and early records we are enabled 
to identify its site and probable remains. At the back of 

a Rot. Pip. 2 Ric. I. Portsmouth which had a hall attached 

1 There was an edifice so called at to it. 



the present custom-house, on a parallel line with the quay, 
there is yet remaining an extensive ancient frontage, now 
in a very mutilated state, which bears marks of having 
formed part of a building of some importance in the twelfth 
century. This edifice is popularly known as " the king's 
house." We have no means of ascertaining the precise 
date of its erection, but it may be reasonably ascribed to 
the long and energetic reign of Henry the Second ; there is 
some evidence against the supposition that it might have 
been built by King John, to whom so many castles and 
palaces are traditionally given, since early in his reign the 
hall which it contained was decayed, and the keeper of 
Knutwood forest supplied twenty rafters (cheverones) for 
the repairs of its roof c . The next references to this build- 
ing are important, as they demonstrate that it was situated 
by the water side, on a quay. By writs dated respectively 
in the fifth and sixth years of Henry the Third d , the bailiffs 
of Southampton were directed to repair the quay before the 
king's house. These commands appear to have been neg- 
lected or imperfectly fulfilled ; for by another writ dated 
Nov. 21, in the seventh year of the same reign, they were 
ordered " to repair the quay this winter, lest the king's 
house should be damaged thereby, and, at an opportune 
time, to cause it to be well built e ." In the following year 
the bailiffs had directions to mend the gutters of the king's 
chamber f . 

Now if the present custom-house were removed, this 
ruinous frontage in its rear, which we believe to have been 
the "king's house," would, in point of fact, be situated on 
the quay, although the vacant space before it might be 
rather large : there is every reason, however, to suppose 
that anciently this building was more extensive ; it was 

c Rot. Claus. 9 Joh. m. 12. e R ot . Claus. 7 Hen. III. m. 26. 

d Rot. Claus. 5 and 6 Hen. III. mm. f Rot. Claus. 8 Hen III. m. 3. 
4. 17. 



probably quadrangular, and in some measure fortified, or 
at least thoroughly enclosed, and isolated from surrounding 
edifices ; a fact which seems to be indicated by a direction 
to the bailiffs, in 1223, to make a "gateway to the court- 
yard of the king's house g ." Reiterated orders during the 
years 1224 and 1225, for the repair of the house and quay, 
shew that either the bailiffs had failed to obey previous di- 
rections, or that the works had been imperfectly executed 11 . 
In the latter year the bishop of Winchester had the custody 
of the house, at an annual fee of fifteen shillings 1 . 

Besides containing a hall, a chapel k , and the several 
apartments necessary for royal use, it is probable that this 
building included a cellar in which the prisage butts were 
stored 1 . The various operations connected with the proper 
care of a large stock of wine, required space for their exer- 
cise, and thus an extensive quay was adapted not only to 
the personal convenience of the king, but to the landing of 
his wines, and to the accommodation of the coopers, guagers, 
sealers, carters, and boatmen, who were employed about 
the royal stores in those times when our princes were ac- 
customed to dispose of their superfluous stock. 

It may be necessary to remark that the " king's house" 
was certainly a building distinct from the castle of South- 
ampton ; this is proved by the document already cited, 
which shews that the former might be injured by the dila- 
pidated state of the quay on which it stood ; therefore it 
could not have been much above high water mark ; whereas 

g Rot. Claus. 8 Hen. III. p. 1. m. 10. tioned as containing a hundred and 

h Rot. Claus. 9 Hen. III. p. 2. m. 1,3. twenty tuns of wine: but so large was 

5 Ibid., m. 13. the stock accumulated at times, that the 

k " Et in reparatione capelle Regis de sheriff, or butler, was obliged to rent 

Suhamton', et domorum Regis ibidem et cellars. See the Pipe Roll already cited. 

gutterarum earundem, lxiij.s. vj.d. ob." — It is hardly necessary to observe that in 

Rot. Pip. 14 Hen. III. medieval days cellars were not always 

1 The king's cellar at Southampton under ground. 

was of ample dimensions ; it is men- 


I .. . , 1 , , , ,\"> \ 20 \ 3oFtct 


A. Passage in the wall 

B. Fire place. 

C C C. Windows 

D Doorway of the smaller house 






" the elevated position of the castle must have effectually 
secured it from all risk of having even its base washed by 
the most violent waves which a storm could raise in the 
land-locked harbour which it overlooked™." The "king's 
houses in the castle" are frequently mentioned in early 
records, and to readers who are not conversant with those 
authorities, it might appear that the edifices were identical. 
But it is well known that the term " clomus" was applied 
to various structures, generally, with the exception of the 
keep, of an unsubstantial character, raised within the en- 
ceinte of a medieval fortress, often mere pent-houses of 
wood and plaster, always in need of repair. 

The preceding observations may possibly induce local 
antiquaries to pursue still further the history of this ancient 
building, the identification of which is thus attempted, and 
it is hoped they may also contribute to its preservation as 
an interesting relic of early times. The few architectural 
features it now offers, belong to the latter part of the twelfth 
century, and of these the most prominent is a window in a 
tolerably perfect state ; it has a segmental arch and a drip- 
stone over it, with the usual Norman abacus moulding at 
the imposts ; this is continued as a string along the wall, 
though broken in places by later insertions. Interiorly it 
is ornamented with shafts in the jambs, sunk in a square 
recess in the angle, having capitals sculptured with foliage 
of a peculiar but late Norman character ; the bases approach- 
ing to Early English. This window is altogether remark- 
able and of an unusual design. It is now closed by wooden 
shutters, and in all likelihood was never glazed. 

The peculiar construction of the west wall of Southamp- 

111 " Sketches of Hampshire," by the and written in a remarkably agreeable 

late John Duthy, Esq., p. 145. I gladly style. The notice of Southampton, 

take this opportunity of calling attention supplied after Mr. Duthy's decease, is 

to a provincial work exhibiting consider- scarcely equal to the rest of the volume, 
able research, much ingenious conjecture, 


ton is familiar to antiquaries ; an accurate measurement of 
the arches was taken by Sir Henry Englefield in 1801"; 
and the reader may be referred to his essay for a minute 
description of this early work which, being of transition 
Norman character, is possibly a remnant of the walls built 
by the men of Southampton early in the reign of John ; 
that monarch having allowed them two hundred pounds 
out of their fee-farm rent for the enclosure of the town . 
Adjoining to a postern gate in this wall, are the remains of 
two houses of ancient date. One of these has preserved 
scarcely any original features, excepting a Norman door- 
way ; the other house is of about double the size, and situ- 
ated on the opposite side of a narrow lane which leads to 
the gateway. It is nearly perfect, except the roof, and is 
probably one of the oldest houses remaining in England ; 
being of rather earlier character than either the Jew's 
house at Lincoln, or the other house in the same street, 
or those at Christ Church, in Hampshire, Boothby Pagnel, 
Lincolnshire, or Minster, in the Isle of Thanet, all well 
known instances of the domestic architecture of England 
in the twelfth century, many of them belonging to the 
latter part, whilst the present example may perhaps be 
safely referred to the earlier half of that century. Like 
most other examples, the principal dwelling rooms appear 
to have been on the first floor, and the fire-place remains, 
with Norman shafts in the jambs ; the chimney is carried 
up to the top of the wall, and may have risen above it, with 
an external projection, like a flat Norman buttress, sup- 
ported on plain corbels hanging over the lane. The door- 
way is on the ground floor, and not as in the early houses 
in the north of England, on the first floor only : no remains 

" " A Walk through Southampton," Rot. Pip. 4 Johan. tit. Hamtona. 
4to. 1801. p. 23. 


of a staircase exist, but it was probably internal and of 
wood, and may have been carried on the projections oppo- 
site to the door. There are no windows in the ground 
floor, but several on the first story ; those which are per- 
fect are of two lights, divided by a shaft, with capital and 
base. Several of these windows open to the outside of the 
city wall, which in this part consists of a series of arches 
carrying the parapet wall and alure ; the piers are connected 
with the wall of the house, but the spaces behind the arches 
left open, forming a succession of wide machicolations. 

On the first floor also there is a passage formed in the 
thickness of the wall, as was usual in fortifications of the 
period, and this probably communicated with the town 
wall, though the passage is now partly blocked up. 

Prom the circumstance that the arches of the town wall 
are built partly over the windows of the house, it is clear 
that they were erected subsequently, the masonry is also 
different. Although the arches at this part are round- 
headed, those adjoining to them are pointed, and evidently 
of the same period. 


At Minster, in the Isle of Thanet, is a house of this 
elate, one front of which is tolerably perfect : its character 
is not very early Norman, but it may probably have been 
built late in the twelfth century. The house is still in- 
habited, but the interior is entirely modernized : the walls 
are in great part original, although the back has been 
so far altered as to destroy its original character. It is 
of moderate size and of simple oblong plan ; enough 
remains at one end to shew that it did not extend any 
farther in that direction, the other end is not quite so 
clear, but it would appear that other buildings formerly 
joined it. There was a small nunnery here, founded in 


Saxon times, destroyed by the Danes, and refounded by 
Archbishop Corboil in 1130 ; about the year 1200 it was 
appropriated to St. Augustine's abbey at Canterbury. 
The present building was the grange of the monastery 1 ". 
At all events its character is strictly that of a domestic 
building, and there is nothing of peculiar monastic charac- 
ter about it. The grant of the church of Minster to the 
abbey of St. Augustine, was confirmed by Pope Alexander 
III., between 1160 and 1180. 


At Christ Church, in Hampshire, is the ruin of a 
Norman house, rather late in the style, with good windows 
of two lights, and a round chimney-shaft. The plan as 
before is a simple oblong, the principal room appears to 
have been on the first floor. It is situated on the bank of 
the river, near to the church, and still more close to the 
mound, which is said to have been the keep of the castle ; 
being between that and the river, it could not w r ell have 
been placed in a situation of greater security. Whether 
it formed part of another series of buildings or not, it 
was a perfect house in itself, and its character is strictly 
domestic. It is about seventy feet long, and twenty-four 
broad, its walls, like those of the keep, being exceedingly 
thick. On the ground floor are a number of loopholes, the 
ascent to the upper story was by a stone staircase, part of 
which remains, the ground floor was divided by a wall, but 
the upper story appears to have been all one room, lighted 
by three double windows on each side ; near the centre of 
the east wall, next the river, is a large fire-place, to which 
the round chimney before mentioned belongs. At the north 
end there appears to have been a large and handsome win- 
dow, of which part of the arch and shafts remain, and there 

p See an account of this building and Lewis's History of the Isle of Tenet, 
a plan of it as it existed in 1736, in p. 102. 



is a small circular window in the south gable. " From 
what remains of the ornamental part of this building, it 
appears to have been elegantly finished, and cased with 
squared stones, most of which are however now taken 
away. There is a small projecting tower, calculated for 
a flank, under which the water runs ; it has loopholes both 
on the north and east fronts, these walls are extremely 
thick. By the ruins of several walls, there were some 
ancient buildings at right angles to this hall, stretching 
away towards the keepq." This was probably part of the 
residence of Baldwin de Redvers, earl of Devon ; to 
whom the manor of Christ Church belonged about the 
middle of the twelfth century. 


The manor-house at Appleton, Berkshire, belongs to the 
end of this century ; it stands within a moat, and the walls, 
or at least the foundations, are probably original ; it is of 
moderate size and simple oblong plan ; but the only parts 
which retain any of the original character are three door- 
ways, the best of which is the entrance, which is round- 
headed, but the mouldings are rather Early English than 
Norman, and the shafts in the jambs have round capitals 
with foliage approaching to what is technically called stiff- 
leaf. The other two doorways are very plain, they have 
evidently been the entrances to the offices from the passage 
at the end of the hall, behind the screens ; there is said to 
have been another doorway of similar character at the en- 
trance at the opposite end of this passage. 


At Sutton Courtney, Berkshire, is a small house of the 
latter part of this century ; the walls are very substantial ; 

<i Grose's Antiquitit's, vol. ii. p. 178. 


in plan it is a simple oblong, with a doorway in the centre of 
the principal front; the doorway is round-headed, with good 
mouldings of transition Norman character, and the tooth- 
ornament ; there is also a small lancet window ; the rest 
of the windows and the interior of the house are modern- 
ized. It appears to have had a moat round it, which is 
now filled up. 

st. mauy's guild — jew's house, Lincoln. 

The hall of St. Mary's Guild, or the Merchants' Guild, 
at Lincoln, is popularly called John of Gamut's stables, pos- 
sibly from its having been at one period so used, his palace 
having stood on the opposite side of the street ; just as it is 
now often called the Sweep's house, and the Malt house, 
from the uses to which different parts of it are applied. 
This remarkable structure is probably the most valuable 
and extensive range of building of the twelfth century 
that we have remaining in England; it is now divided 
into several tenements : the roof is modern, and one half 
of the walls of the upper story were taken down at the 
time this roof was put on, but the lower parts of the 
walls, including the whole of the lower story, are nearly 
perfect. The principal front is towards the street, and has 
a remarkably rich cornice of sculptured foliage, and good 
flat buttresses ; the entrance archway is of transition work, 
with a peculiar kind of tooth-ornament in a shallow hollow 
moulding, and small sunk flowers in the dripstone ; the 
imposts are of pure Norman character, supported by rude 
heads, one of which is a bishop. In the lower story is a 
good Norman loop, but the upper windows have Early 
English shafts in the jambs within. At the back of this 
range of building is a second range at right angles to 
it, as if to form two sides of a quadrangle; but as it is 
at the corner of the street, and there is no appearance 




of other buildings having joined on, this may not have 
been the case. In this part of the building are good Nor- 
man windows of two lights, one of them perfect, having a 
cap and base of transition character ; in the interior these 
windows have zigzags cut in the angles of the jambs ; be- 
tween these windows are plain flat buttresses, and a small 
doorway, the head of which is of the form called a square- 
headed trefoil. In the upper story is a plain Norman fire- 
place with a straight head, the back curved and formed of 
the usual thin flat bricks placed edgeways. The walls in 
this part of the building have not been lowered. The part 
immediately adjoining to the churchyard of St. Peter's at 
Gowt's, is said always to have been a separate house, and 
to have been the parsonage of that parish ; in this portion 
is a Norman window, of two lights, with a kind of long 
and short work in the jambs. There are several other 
houses or parts of houses of this period in Lincoln. One 
near St. Benedict's church ; the only parts perfect are three 
doorways, one the entrance, which is of Norman character, 
though late, and the two small ones which were at the end 
of the hall, behind the screen ; these are of transition cha- 

The house called the Jew's house, at Lincoln, is perhaps 
one of the most celebrated and best known of the remains 
of this period ; it is situated on the steep hill, and has the 
front to the street tolerably perfect : the most remarkable 
feature is the doorway, which is enriched with ornaments 
closely corresponding with Bishop Alexander's work in the 
cathedral ; the head of the doorway also forms an arch 
to carry the fire-place and chimney above. There are 
no marks of an original fire-place on the ground floor, 
and the principal room appears to have been up stairs. 
Some of the windows are good Norman of two lights with 
a shaft between. The house is small, and seems to have 



consisted of two rooms only, one on the ground floor, and 
one above : these may, however, have been originally di- 
vided by partitions : the interior has entirely lost all original 

A little higher up the hill, on the opposite side of the 
street, is another house, of about the same period, but 
plainer and not so perfect ; the same arrangement of the 
arch of the doorway carrying the fire-place is found here 
also ; the Norman ornamented string on a level with the 
floor may be traced along two sides of this house, which 
stands at a corner, and some windows may be distin- 
guished, but less perfect than those of the Jew's house. 


The staircase at Canterbury is situated near the principal 
entrance of the monastery, and led to the Stranger's hall, 
now destroyed ; the staircase itself is very perfect, and is 
rich late Norman work ; it consists of a straight flight of 
steps with a landing at the top, and a covered way over 
it, supported by an open arcade on each side. This is a 
very remarkable specimen, being the only staircase of this 
period known to be in existence. There are considerable 
remains of the other Domestic buildings of the monastery, 
but so much mixed up with modern work, being still in- 
habited as the prebendal houses, that considerable skill 
and pains are required to disentangle them. 


The ruins of the manor-house of the St. John family, 
popularly called King John's house, at Warnford in Hamp- 
shire, consist of little more than the foundations, but there 
is enough to shew that the hall was divided by two rows 
of very tall pillars which carried the principal timbers of 
the roof without any arches ; the bases and capitals are of 




Commonly known as King John's House 

fountain's abbey. 


late Norman character. A contemporary inscription re- 
cords the rebuilding of the church, which is closely ad- 
joining to it, and of the same character, by Adam de 
Port, in the time of King John. 

fountain's abbey. 

The remains of the Domestic buildings of Fountain's 
abbey, Yorkshire, are very extensive and valuable, and 
belong chiefly to this period. The kitchen is nearly per- 
fect, with two large fire-places, and there are several other 
fire-places and chimneys ; the walls of the refectory, the 
dormitory, the cloister, and several other parts of the build- 
ings, are more or less perfect, but these belong rather to the 
class of Monastic than of strictly Domestic buildings. The 
arrangements of a large monastery were necessarily very 
different from those of an ordinary dwelling-house, and 
though we may fairly make use of one to illustrate the 
other, they do not belong properly to the subject of this 


The priory of St. Martin, at Dover 1 ", was refounded by 
Archbishop Corboil in 31st Henry L, A.D. 1131, on a 
new site outside the walls of the town. After some dis- 
putes a society of Benedictine monks from the convent 
of Christ Church, Canterbury, was finally established in 
the new buildings by Archbishop Theobald, in 1139, 4th 
Stephen. The portions which remain of these original 
buildings have their date thus fixed with unusual accuracy. 
The church is entirely destroyed. 

The refectory, though now used as a barn, still remains 
in a tolerably perfect state. The masonry is of flint laid 
in alternate courses with ashlar for the buttresses, quoins, 

r Mon. Ang., vol. iv. p. 528. 


and heads and jambs to the windows. It measures exter- 
nally 107 feet by 34 feet, and the walls are 3 feet 6 inches 
in thickness. 

Its direction is east and west. It has eight windows 
and six buttresses on the north, and seven on the south 
side. The windows are plainly recessed without hood- 
mouldings, and rest on a stringcourse, which is a plain 
square with the upper angle chamfered off. The but- 
tresses are of slight projection, and are carried up to the 
roof without set-offs except the string. 

The two sides have been alike, except that at the west 
end of the south side was the original entrance, which is 
now blocked up on the outside, and there are also on this 
side the remains of an Early English entrance, which has 
been inserted, but is now also walled up. 

The interior measures 100 feet by 27 feet, and the walls 
to the springing of the roof are 26 feet high, and are 
plastered. It has evidently never been divided by a floor, 
but has always been open from the floor to the roof as at 
present. The lower part of the wall to the height of 12 feet 
6 inches is entirely blank, and appears never to have had 
any opening through it, except the doorway at the south- 
west angle, already mentioned, the interior arch of which 
still remains, and another doorway at the west end (now 
blocked up) which communicated with the offices which 
adjoined the refectory at that part. Above the blank por- 
tion of the wall just mentioned, is a lofty arcade reaching 
up to the springing of the roof, and which is carried en- 
tirely round the apartment. The arches, which are quite 
plain and simply recessed, are supported by shafts with 
plainly moulded capitals and bases. Of this arcade the 
two arches next the east end on each side are pierced for 
windows for lighting the high table, and after that every 
alternate arch is pierced in the same manner. These win- 



dows are all alike, recessed and deeply splayed inside. 
The arches on the east and west are not pierced, as there 
were other buildings adjoining at both ends. There were 
two small windows in the gable at the west end. 

At the east end where the high table would be placed, 
and immediately under the arcade, has been a representa- 
tion of the Last Supper, and till within a few years the 
figures might have been made out. The only parts now 
distinguishable are the nimbi which surrounded the heads 
of the Saviour and the Apostles, the lines which marked 
the table, and some indistinct folds of drapery. The nimbi 
are impressed on the plaster in the same manner as par- 
getting was performed at a later period, and each is sur- 
rounded, and the rays divided, by red lines ; the beards 
and other parts appear to have been indicated with the 
same colour, and there is a back-ground behind the heads 
of a bluish grey colour. 

In the south wall near this end are the remains of a 
large locker. 

The gables appear never to have been altered, and the 
pitch of the roof is therefore original, but the roof itself is 
not ; one bay in the centre is, probably, of fifteenth century 
date, but the rest is modern. 

The whole of the work about the buildings is very good, 
but of the very plainest description ; the capitals consist 
only of an abacus and neck-mould, with a single moulding 
in the bell, and the bases, though very characteristic, are 
of the simplest kind. 

There is not the slightest attempt at ornamental detail 
in any part of the building, but from its great length, its 
continuous arcade, and its alternate window-openings, and 
consequent variety of light and shade, the effect of this 
apartment is very fine. 



Moyses' hall at Bury St. Edmund's is also called the 
Jew's house, or the Jews' synagogue. It is late Norman 
work, partly of transition character, the lower story is 
vaulted : the arch ribs are pointed. It appears originally 
to have had no windows on the ground floor. On the 
upper floor are two good transition Norman windows, each 
of two lights, square-headed and plain, under a round 
arch with mouldings and shafts in the jambs, having 
capitals of almost Early English character. There are at 
present two of these windows, but the other part of the 
house has a Perpendicular window which may have re- 
placed a Norman one. The vaulting is continued in the 
same character under both divisions of the house ; the 
upper part has been too much altered to enable us to make 
out exactly what it originally was ; it may have been a 
tower of which the upper part is destroyed, or it may have 
contained a doorway. The fire-place is in the wall of par- 
tition on the first floor, and not towards the street, but this 
fire-place is not part of the original work, though it pro- 
bably replaced an older one. 

That tradition should have assigned the name of the 
" Jew's house" to this building, and also to the two tene- 
ments of the Norman period at Lincoln, is a fact not with- 
out significance, and worthy of attention. Erom Saxon 
times until the close of the twelfth century the Jews were 
allowed full liberty to trade in this country, and were com- 
paratively unmolested in the possession and enjoyment of 
their gains. Being the wealthiest members of the com- 
munity, it is not unlikely they constructed substantial 
habitations as much for the security of their persons 
and property as from any other motive. It is certain 
that in all early deeds relative to the transfer of tenements 




bury st. edmund's. 47 

once held by Jews, those tenements are usually described 
as built of stone. It was not till the thirteenth century 
that the Israelites were subjected to that long-continued 
system of oppression and exaction which terminated in 
their expulsion from the country, by Edward the First, in 
the year 1290. That expulsion was accomplished in a 
manner so sudden and violent, that the memory of it was 
likely to be strongly impressed on the popular mind, and, 
indeed, to remain so impressed in any place where sub- 
stantial monuments of their former residence still sur- 

The Jews of Bury St. Edmund's were driven from that 
town in the year 1190, by Abbot Samson, in the time of 
whose predecessor they appear to have had many illegal 
transactions with the subordinate officers of the monastery, 
some notices of which occur in the interesting chronicle of 
Jocelin of Brakelonde 3 . In 1183, Sancto the Jew of St. 
Edmundsbury was fined five marks, that he might not be 
punished for taking in pledge certain sacred vessels. 


This curious relic was unfortunately removed in 1830 
in order to improve the approach to London Bridge; 
before it was levelled accurate drawings of the building 
were made by Mr. J. C. Buckler, and the late John 
Gage Rokewode, Esq., communicated 4 a notice of its 
history to the Society of Antiquaries, which is printed in 
the twenty-third volume of the Archseologia. The following 
description is taken from Mr. Rokewode' s paper. 

s See "Cronica Jocelini de Brake- p. 106. 
londa," published by the Camden So- 1 In a letter to the late Henry Petrie, 
ciety, 1840, pp. 2 — 4; and the notes, Esq., keeper of the records in the Tower. 



The church of St. Olave, Southwark, was confirmed" to 
the prior and convent of St. Pancras of Lewes, in Sussex, 
by William, second earl of Warren and Surrey, son of their 
founder, and in face of the church on the south side the 
way, now called Tooley Street, contiguous with Carter Lane, 
they built, or became possessed of, a hostelry for the con- 
venience of the prior and monks coming to London, and 
for the reception of strangers. It does not appear how they 
acquired this property; the charter of confirmation does 
not comprise any lands in Southwark. Earl William died 
in 1138 x , and there are sufficient grounds for assuming 
that the prior had no lodgings in St. Olave's until a later 

Osbert, prior of St. Pancras y , gave to John, son of Ed- 
mund, and his heirs, a tenement, in London, belonging to 
the convent, that is to say, the dwelling and houses of 
Wibert de Araz, and lands holden of the monks of West- 
minster 2 , and Robert the Chamberlain to hold at a rent of 
fourteen shillings, and by this service, that as often as the prior 
of Lewes, or his monks, or the monks of the cells belonging 
to St. Pancras, came to London, that John and his succes- 
sors should give them fit lodging, and find them fire, and 
water, and salt, and sufficient vessels for their use. Among 
the witnesses to this charter are the Countess Isabel and 
her brother Philip, being the Countess Warren and Surrey, 
daughter and heir of William the third earl, and her half- 
brother Philip de Evreux a . 

Osbert was prior of Lewes b between the years 1170 and 

u Regist. chart. Monasterii de Lewes. two pieces of land which Wibert de Araz 

Mus. Brit. Cotton. MS. Vespasian, F- held of him in London. Ibid. Gervase 

xv. fo. 12 b. governed the monastery of Westminster 

x Ibid., fo. 105 b. from the year 1140 to 1160. Dugdale, 

• v Ibid., fo. 196 b. Monast. 

2 Gervase abbot of Westminster, con- a Watson's Memoirs of the House of 

firmed the gift of John, son of Ralph, to Warren and Surrey, 

the church of St. Pancras of Lewes, of b Dugdale, Monast. 


1186; the Countess Isabel died in 1199°. Mr. Rokewode 
therefore concluded that the hostelry of the prior of Lewes, in 
South wark, was not in his occupation until the latter years 
of the twelfth century. It is certain that the monks of St. 
Pancras had a hostelry here at a remote period ; for in a 
release d from William de Wyntringham, carpenter, to the 
prior of Lewes, in the 44th Edw. III. anno 1370, it is espe- 
cially set forth that the prior and his predecessors, in right of 
their church of St. Pancras, were seised from time imme- 
morial, of a piece of ground nigh the gate of their hostelry 
in Southwark, and a building agreement 6 between the same 
parties in the 47th Edw. III., speaks of the ancient north- 
east gate of their hostelry, which was standing in the time 
of the historian Stowe. 

Peter, bishop of Winchester^ who governed that see in 
1205 s , appropriated the church of St. Olave to the prior 
and convent of St. Pancras of Lewes, for the purpose of 

In Michaelmas term, 29 Henry VIII. , Robert, late prior 
of St. Pancras of Lewes, levied a fine to the king of all the 
possessions of the priory, in which fine the church of St. 
Olave, and messuages, gardens, lands, and rents in South- 
wark, Kater Lane, (Carter Lane,) comprehending the site 
of the hostelry, are particularly specified. On the sixteenth 
of the month of February following, his majesty conferred 
these possessions on Thomas, Lord Cromwell, afterwards 
earl of Essex, in fee h : the hostelry being valued 1 in the 
king's survey at eight pounds yearly. 

After the attainder of the earl of Essex, the hostelry 
seems to have been parcelled out by the crown. Stowe, in 

c Regist. chart, de Lewes, fo. 107, b. h Pat. 29 Hen. VIII. pars ii. 

d Ibid., fo. 182 b. * Southwark, redditus hospitii D'ni in 

e Ibid., fo. 183 b. Gutt r -lane ibidem, per ann. viij. Valor 

f Godwin de Prsesul. Eccl. 26 Hen. VIII. 

s Regist. chart, de Lewes, fo. 189 b. 



his description of St. Olave's, Southwark, says, "over against 
the parish church, on the south side of the streete, was 
sometime one great house builded of stone with arched 
gates, which pertained to the prior of Lewes in Sussex, and 
was his lodging when he came to London : it is now a 
common hostelry for travellers, and hath to sign the Walnut 
TreeV Cuthbert Beeston, citizen and girdler of London, 
died seised 1 , in the 24th Elizabeth, of the Walnut inn, 
together with the garden thereto, and fifteen messuages in 
Walnut-tree-lane, otherwise Carter-lane, in St.01ave's,South- 
wark, held of the queen in chief, worth yearly five pounds, 
six shillings and eight pence. It appears that the Walnut- 
tree inn occupied the east side of the hostelry ; the west 
wing was purchased m by the parish for the use of the gram- 
mar-school of St. Olave's 11 , founded in the 13th Elizabeth. 

The plain unmixed character of the circular style in 
these remains led Mr. Rokewode to conclude that this 
part of the hostelry was built before the time of Osbert, the 
prior, a date which it is difficult to reconcile with his 
charter if, as we may presume, the building was erected 
by the monks of St. Pancras. Mr. Rokewode thought the 
general features of this portion of the hostelry resembled 
those of the manor-house at Boothby Pagnell, Moyses' hall 
at St. Edmundsbury, and Pythagoras' school at Cam- 
bridge . 

The porch extended 19 ft., and appeared to have been 
longer; its width was 11 ft. 9 in. At the distance of 6 ft. 
9 in. from the inner door there was a flight of steps to the 
chamber, the floor of which was nearly 3^ ft. lower ; this 

k Stowe's Survey of London, 4to. 1598, rev - 

pp. 340, 341. n ^ ne r °y a l charter gives licence to 

1 Esc. 24 Eliz. n. 70. In the 19th purchase lands of a limited value. 

James I., the Walnut Tree escheated to Pythagoras' school is a building of 

the crown and was leased out. the end of the twelfth, or commencement 

m Manning and Bray's History of Sur- of the thirteenth century. 


being about the level of the water, shewed the precautionary 
arrangement of the porch, and on the same account, all the 
windows of the chamber were carried up close to the crown 
of the vault. The porch was without windows. 

The vaulted chamber formed a parallelogram of 40 ft. 
3 in., by 16 ft. 6 in., and 14 ft. 3 in. high, the vaulted 
roof being supported by arches springing from six semi- 
circular pillars attached to the side walls ; these pillars were 
5 ft. 10 in. high, including the capitals and base. The en- 
trance was by an elliptical arch, and possibly there had been 
a door also on the opposite side. On the south there were 
two windows, as well as on the west, and there was one on 
the north. On the removal of the earth which had accu- 
mulated in the chamber, no remains were found of an an- 
cient floor or pavement. The walls were 3 ft. 3 in. thick. 

The pillars and arches were of wrought stone, a mixture 
of fire-stone and Kentish rag ; the vault was entirely chalk, 
9 in. thick : the rest of the lower building rubble. The 
entrance to the hall was on the side of the porch, and must 
have been approached by a flight of steps, as is the case in 
the Norman house at Boothby Pagnell ; the face of the hall 
door, internally, was perfectly plain • externally it had been 
entirely destroyed. Caen stone was used in this door, and 
in other parts of the upper chamber. 

The entrance arch had on its external angle a bead-mould- 
ing springing from a slender pillar with a capital, indicating 
a slight difference between the character of the vault and 
that of the vaulted chamber ; at the same time these did 
not, on close examination, appear to have been built at 
different times ; and their coeval erection seemed to be con- 
firmed by the harmony of the general arrangement. The 
dressings of the south windows were of wrought stone, 
while all the others were plain. 

The capitals were of various design, and a fragment of 


highly finished sculpture was found among the ruins. The 
sculpture appeared to be part of a frieze, of which there 
were other relics, and among them grotesque animals with 

On the north-west some ancient foundations were visible, 
but in the direction of Carter-lane, where the site of the 
Walnut-tree had been built upon in modern times, there 
was no vestige of the original building. It may be conjec- 
tured, from the situation of the vaulted chamber immediately 
under the hall, with the porch leading into it, and from the 
number of windows, and the finished architecture, that this 
apartment was used as an inferior hall to the hostelry. 


This house was formerly the seat of a family named 
Boothby, the heiress of which married a Paynell. Sir 
John Paynell was buried in the church there in 1420 p . 
Leland gives an account of the Paynells, and particulars 
relating to the descent of the estate ; he says " though the 
Paynelles were Lordes of the Castelle of Newport Painel in 
Buckinghamshire, yet they had a great mynde to ly at 
Boutheby ; wher they had a praty Stone House withy n a 
Mote V Traces of the mote are still discernible. 


This ancient manor-house was taken down about the 
year 1830. Mr. Gough observed, " Bernak abounds with 
antient reliefs, and windows in almost every house r . 
From the ruined manor house, which belongs to the 
earl of Exeter, he has taken much painted glass : it is 
going to be pulled down and rebuilt. " Barnack, as 

p See Gough's Camden, vol. ii. p. Itinerary, vol. i. fo. 27, 28. 

250. r Gough's Camden, vol. ii. p. 187. 



already mentioned, was an example of a Norman manor- 
house having a hall on the ground floor, which went 
the whole height of the house, divided into three parts 
by columns and arches. The remains of the arches are 
shewn in the engraving. 


The building called Merton Hall, or Pythagoras' school 
at Cambridge, is a grange of the end of the twelfth or be- 
ginning of the thirteenth century, but so much spoiled by 
modern alterations, that very little of the original character 
remains ; one or two of the windows on the first floor are 
good specimens of transition Norman work. It has had an 
external staircase, and the ground room has been vaulted, 
but scarcely a vestige of either remains. It has always 
been used for farm purposes since it was purchased by 
Walter de Merton, and given to his college, about 1270; 
and there is no reason to suppose that it was ever applied 
to any other use. The tradition of its having served 
as an academical lecture room appears to be entirely un- 

The existing remains of medieval domestic architecture 
in France, are sufficiently numerous to call for a work es- 
pecially devoted to an account of them. It is worthy of 
remark, however, that the provinces which anciently be- 
longed to the English crown, are those which afford the 
fewest examples of houses of early elate ; that is to say, of 
the twelfth and thirteenth century. The following notes 
on this subject, obligingly communicated by M. Viollet le 
Due, the distinguished architect of Paris, refer to the most 



observable of the ancient domestic buildings now existing 
in France. 

" There are houses of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
in many parts of France. At Cluny in Burgundy, are a 
dozen. Cluny is a little town near Macon, once famous for 
its great abbey, now destroyed. Daly in his Revue de 
P Architecture, (vol. 8,) has engraved two of these houses • 
they are very fine, and almost all constructed on the same 
model. It is the richest town in France for buildings of 
this kind ; there is an entire street preserved. These 
houses are tolerably rich in sculpture and built of strong 

At Semur in Burgundy there is a house of the thirteenth 
century, adjoining the town gate. 

In the village of Rougemont, near Montbard, there are 
several cottagers' houses of the beginning of the thirteenth 
century. At Flavigny, in the same province, where there 
was formerly a large abbey, there are two or three houses 
of the thirteenth century in good preservation, and a 
great number of curious fragments, as windows, doors, 
chimneys, &c. 

Opposite the cathedral at Nismes is a house of the 
twelfth century with sculptures, in fair preservation. 

At Riom, near Clermont (Auvergne), is a fine house of 
the thirteenth century ; and at Mont Ferrand, near the 
same place, are several houses of the twelfth and thirteenth 

At St. Gilles, near Nismes, there is a romanesque house 
of the twelfth century, of the greatest interest ; it is now 
the presbytery. 

At Cordes, between Alby and St. Antoines, department 
of the Tarn, there is an entire street of houses of the 
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. At St. Antoines, de- 
partment of the Tarn and Garonne, there is a small hotel- 


de-ville of the twelfth century, much ornamented, and well 
preserved, which is reasonably considered to be the most 
complete monument of the kind which we possess. In the 
same town there are houses of the twelfth and thirteenth 
century, of four stories, in good preservation. 

There is a house of the thirteenth century at Perigueux, 
in good preservation ; and one also at St. Yriez. 

At Carcassonne in the lower town are the remains of an 
immense house of the thirteenth century, the ground floor 
and one story alone remain. At Perpignan are two houses 
of the thirteenth century in the Catalan style which are 
very curious. 

There are many remains at Cahors of the civil architec- 
ture of the thirteenth century in the old castle. At Bran- 
tome near Perigueux is a house of the thirteenth century, 
and a very curious chimney. 

At Caussade, near Montauban, M. de Maleville possesses 
a brick house of the thirteenth century. At Quineville there 
is a chimney in the style of that at Eontevrault ; and there 
was one like it also in the old abbey of St. Croix de St. L6, 
in Normandy : it has been pulled down but the fragments 
have been preserved. 

At Gernon, near Rambouillet, there is a house called " le 
Pressoir," with three aisles. At Epernon are many remains 
of houses of the thirteenth century ; at Provins there are 
several of the same date, very fine and well preserved. 
Daly has engraved two of them in his " Revue de T Archi- 

At Vezelay near Avalon are remains of houses of the 
twelfth century, and even of the eleventh. At Reims is the 
building called the Musicians' house, which is very fine, and 
decorated with nine sitting statues of the natural size ; it 
is of the thirteenth century, and one of the best examples 
in France. 



In the department of L'Oise there is a considerable 
number of rural edifices of the twelfth and thirteenth cen- 
turies, such as barns, farm-houses, presses, &c, all in a good 
style and well preserved. Daly has published one of these 
buildings, the farm-house of Meslay near Tours 8 ." 

At Dol, in Bretagne, are two houses of the twelfth cen- 
tury, one of decided Norman, the other of Transition 
character ; the fronts have been somewhat altered, but may 
be clearly made out. 

There are a number of houses in the high-street of this 
town standing upon stone arcades, which look at first sight 
like Transition Norman work, and are probably in imitation 
of others of that period which formerly stood there ; but 
with the exception of the two above mentioned, the work 
is all of later character ; chiefly of the period of the Renais- 
sance, although the nature of the material, granite, gives 
it a very rude and early appearance. 

Revue Generale de 1' Architecture, vol. 8. 



It is more than probable that no remains, excepting the 
Hall at Winchester, exist at present of domestic buildings 
erected in the first half of the thirteenth century. The 
short and unsettled reign of John was in every respect un- 
favourable to the progress of art : the little documentary 
evidence of his time which has been preserved relates 
chieflv to the fortification of castles, or the construction 
of chambers and kitchens, at various royal manors, which 
appear to have been of a merely temporary nature. One ex- 
isting domestic structure which is known to have been 
repaired during his reign is entirely Norman in character 
and detail \ 

The reign of Henry the Third, extending over more 
than half a century, was, notwithstanding the troubles 
caused by the civil wars, greatly distinguished by the 
progress of architecture, of which science that monarch 
was an eminent patron and student. It is, therefore, to 
that period, or to the early part of the reign of Edward 
the Eirst, that all remains of domestic architecture of the 
thirteenth century must be referred ; with the exception of 
the buildings of that nature attached to monasteries, of 
which there are fine examples at Fountains and Rievaulx, in 

a The "King's House" at Southampton: see p. 33 ante. 


Yorkshire. It lias been already observed 15 that it was 
during this century that manor-houses appear to have in- 
creased in number, and it was during this century also that 
castles assumed a more domestic character : the donjon or 
keep was abandoned for a hall and chambers constructed 
in the inner enclosure or bailey, and, as necessity required, 
buildings of wood and plaster, adapted to the various 
wants of a large establishment, were reared within the 
enceinte of the walls. It is owing to this change that 
in almost all surveys of castles made in the times of 
Henry the Third and Edward the First, the great towers, 
or keeps, are described to be in a ruinous condition and 
generally roofless : they had been abandoned as incon- 
venient for habitation, though from the great strength of 
their construction they were still capable, with some re- 
pairs, of being used in time of war. Hence it is that 
in drawings of castles, in manuscripts of this date, they 
are usually represented as collections of buildings, of dif- 
ferent elevations, among which the hall is always to be dis- 
tinguished, surrounded by embattled walls and towers. 
Writs directing the repairs of the king's " houses" in various 
castles are very numerous during this century, and serve 
to confirm the evidence of contemporary illuminations, 
authorities which are not, in all particulars, to be greatly 
relied upon, as before remarked . It must be understood, 
however, that these observations are not applicable to what 
are termed Edwardian castles, edifices originally built by 

b Introduction, pp. xxiii., xxiv. 

c When the bishop of Laodicea came 
on a visit to Henry the Third an apart- 
ment, with a chimney, of plaster, was 
built for him against one of the towers in 
Windsor Castle : it is evident from the 
king's directions that it was a lean-to ; 
see Chap. V. The best proofs of these 
remarks on castles of the thirteenth cen- 

tury will be found in the account of the 
works at Windsor Castle during the reign 
of Henry, in the" Illustrations of Windsor 
Castle," edited by Henry Ashton, Archi- 
tect, fol. 1841. The Letter Press by Am- 
brose Poynter, Esq., to whom the original 
documents relating to the thirteenth cen- 
tury, were communicated by the writer 
of this work. 


Edward the First, in which numerous apartments designed 
for various uses were combined in a. general plan ; but 
simply to castles of Norman date rendered domestic in cha- 
racter by later additions ; though it is clear that even in 
Edwardian castles there were many buildings, as great halls 
for example, which, owing to their being detached, and con- 
structed of less permanent materials than the main edifice, 
fell entirely into decay, and have left no traces of their 

The directions for the repairs and additions to royal 
manor-houses issued by Henry the Third prove that no 
systematic plan was adopted with reference to those build- 
ings. Where a large extent of ground was enclosed, form- 
ing that which was called a court (curia), the original 
building in which was of small extent, it was the custom 
to enlarge the accommodation, as required, by the erection 
from time to time of new edifices, as chambers, chapels, 
kitchens, which in the first instance were isolated from 
each other, in fact dotted here and there within the en- 
closure ; when a number of separate buildings had been 
thus created they were gradually connected by covered 
passages (aleice), built of wood, sometimes open at the 
sides, but more frequently made quite weather-proof, so 
that the queen might walk from her chamber to chapel 
" with a dry foot d ." 

Private manor-houses erected during the thirteenth 
century were in general built on the same plan which 
had prevailed in the twelfth. The hall was still the chief 
feature, with one or more adjacent chambers ; which were 
sometimes so arranged as to form three sides of a quad- 
rangle, as at Charney in Berkshire, where the south wing 
consisted of two habitable stories ; but it is probable the 

Liberate Roll 23 Hen. III. See rendon, Kennington, Woodstock, and 
the numerous precepts relating to Cla- other places in Chapter V. 


lower floor was in ordinary cases a cellar, as in earlier 
times, such being the name usually given to it, whatever 
might be its real destination, At Charney, which seems 
to have been a residence of the Bassets e , a family of great 
consequence in the thirteenth century, a chapel or oratory 
adjoins the solar, or upper chamber, in the south wing. 
That country-houses, however, were built on the earlier 
and simpler plan down to the close of this century is 
proved by an account still existing of the cost of erecting 
a house for Edward the First, in 1285, at Woolmer in 
Hampshire f . This building consisted of an upper chamber 
{camera ad estagiam) seventy-two feet long and twenty- 
eight feet wide, with two chimneys, a small chapel and two 
wardrobes, of masonry, which cost eleven pounds in work- 
man's wages. There were six glass windows or lights in 

e The abbots of Abingdon had con- 
siderable property in tbe chapelry, so 
that this building may have been a 
monastic grange. 

f " Compotus Ade Gurdun de receptis 
suis et expensis factis per preceptum 
Regis in quibusdam domibus in foresta 
Regis de Wlfmere in comitatu Suth- 
amton. — Et pro cementaria cujusdam 
earner e ad estagiam ad opus Regis et 
Regine, longitudinis lxxij. ped' et lati- 
tudinis xxviij. ped', cum ij caminis, una 
parva capella et ij. garderobis, ad tas- 
chiam facienda, xj. lib. Et in m. lxij. 
magnis petris ad predictam cameram 
emptis, et calce facienda ad dictas domos, 
una cum cariagio eorundem, xiij. s. 
Et in sex verrinis emptis ad capellam et 
garderobas, vj. s. Et in Carpentaria cu- 
jusdam aide et predictarum domorum, 
ad tascham, xiij. li. vj. s. viij. d. Et in 
cariagio maeremii ad dictas domos, sabu- 
lone ad operam, feno ad plausturam aule 
et camere emptis et domibus mundandis, 
vj. libri, x. s. vj. d. Et in lxiij. mill. dc. 
cendul. faciendis ad dictas domos ad tas- 

cham, vj. li. vij. s. Et in cariagio ejus- 
dem cendul., lv. s. iiij. d. Et in domi- 
bus predictis ad tascham cooperiendis } 

ix. li. iij.s. Et in xvj. mill, lath', dcc» 
vj. bordis faciendis ad tascham, una cum 
cariagio eorundem, xlix. s. vj.d. Et in 
m. m. m. magnorum clavorum, ad cendul. 

x. mill, ad lath', vj. mill, ad hostia fenes- 
trarum & bord' empt', vj. lib. vj. d. Et 
in plumbo empto ad gutteras dictarum 
domorum, Ixx. s. vij. d. Et in quadam 
coquina ibidem facienda cum clavis ad 
eandem, et feno empto ad eandem coqui- 
nam plastrandam, liiij. s. x. d. Et in 
parietibus aule et quibusdam parietibus 
predicte camere et garderob. plaustrand' 
ad tascham, 1. s. Et in pictura dicte 
aule et camere ad tascham, xviij. s. Et 
in ferro, ferruris et cramponis ad cami- 
nos emptis, lvj. 9. Et in maeremium in 
bosco custodiendo, xvij. s. viij. d. Et in 
quodam herbagio ad opus Regine faci- 
endo, vj. s. ij. d. — Summa, lxxxviij. li. 
iiij. s. ix. d." — Rot. Pip. 13 Edw. I., rot. 



the chapel and wardrobes. Beside the chamber and chapel 
there was a hall wholly constructed of wood plastered over. 
The windows of the chamber and hall had plain wooden 
shutters (hostia); a kitchen, built of wood and plastered, 
completed the house, wdiichwas provided w r ith leaden gutters, 
and roofed with wooden shingles, of which the enormous 
quantity of sixty-three thousand six hundred was used, be- 
sides sixteen thousand laths. The interior of the hall was 
plastered and painted, as was also that of the chamber ; the 
floors appear to have been boarded. A small grass-plot or 
garden was made for the queen's use. The upper chamber 
of stone in this building was, in all likelihood, built over a 
vaulted basement story which may have served as a stable. 
As the dimensions of the hall, which are not given, were 
probably fully as great as those of the chamber, the latter 
with the hall and kitchen may have formed three sides of a 
quadrangle, in the centre of which was the grass-plot for 
the queen's recreation : but whatever the disposition of the 
several buildings with respect to each other, we have in 
this account at the close of the thirteenth century, a house 
built precisely on the same plan which was in fashion at the 
beginning of the twelfth century. Indeed according to the 
custom of the times no further accommodation was needed ; 
and innumerable passages might be quoted from contem- 
porary romances to prove that the hall and stables were 
used as dormitories by guests and servants. At the same 
time it is almost certain that when the private chamber was 
of considerable dimensions it was divided into compart- 
ments by wooden partitions g ; some arrangement of this 
kind seems requisite to explain the account given by 
Matthew Paris of the attempt to assassinate Henry the 
Third in his chamber at Woodstock, in 1238. 

It may be said, it is true, that the preceding descrip- 

£ See examples in Chapter V.; they were termed " interclusoria." 


tion applies only to a mere hunting-lodge, as the house 
was built in Woolmer forest ; but all things considered the 
hunting-lodge of a king in the thirteenth century was 
probably as extensive in its accommodation as the gene- 
rality of manor-houses. The largest domestic building 
which had been erected in that age by a subject seems, 
from the notice of it by Matthew Paris, to have been the 
residence of Paulin Peyvre, a favourite of Henry the Third, 
at Toddington in Bedfordshire ; where he so adorned his 
manor " with a palace, chapel, bed-chambers and other 
stone houses, covered with lead, with orchards and fish- 
ponds, as to provoke the wonder of beholders : for during 
many years the artificers of his buildings are said to have 
received weekly in wages one hundred shillings, and very 
often ten marks 11 ." As the chronicler was a neighbour of 
the builder he probably intended to describe something 
that was remarkable even to himself; yet it may be appre- 
hended that nothing more than a hall is signified by the 
word palatum \ No traces of these buildings are now 

At Longthorpe, near Peterborough, the private chambers 
are in a tower adjacent to the hall of which only a portion 
remains, incorporated with later work. This arrangement 
added much to the security, and gave also a more im- 
posing character to the elevation of the building. Stoke- 
Say castle, near Ludlow in Shropshire, a well preserved 
building of this date, is a fine specimen of a house on the 
same plan : Grose justly remarked that it " was rather a 
castellated mansion than a castle of strength." 

h " Et ut de aliis sileamus, unum [ma- rum, qualibet septimana centum solidos, 

nerium], videlicet Tudintunam, adeo et pluries decern marcas, recepisse pro 

palatio, capella, thalamis, et aliis domi- stipendiis asseruntur." M. Paris, p. 

bus lapideis, et plumbo coopertis, pomas- 821, ed. 1640. 

riis et vivariis communivit, ut intuenti- It sometimes bore tbat meaning, 

bus admirationem parturiret. Operarii See Ducange, v. Palatia. 
namque pluribus annis aedificiorum suo- 


There is a good example of a house of two stories, in the 
form of a parallelogram, at West Deane in Sussex ; it is 
rather late in the century, and has been in some respects 
modernised ; but it retains the original winding staircase. 

Aydon Castle, in Northumberland, is a building of the 
latter end of this century, its date being probably about 
1280; though now called a castle it was at the period of 
its construction, and long after, termed a <c Hall," being in 
reality "merely a house built with some attention to 
security." The general plan of that edifice is a long irre- 
gular line of buildings, with a small inner court, and two 
other extensive enclosures or courts formed by walls. Little 
Wenham Hall, in Suffolk, is another example of a fortified 
house of this century, its date being about the same period 
as Aydon. This building is a parallelogram with a tower 
and stair-turret at one of the angles ; the chief entrance 
appears to have been by a flight of steps on the exterior, 
which was the case also at Aydon, where the staircase, 
once roofed, still remains. Little Wenham is remarkable 
as affording an early instance of the use of bricks, of which 
nearly the whole of the mansion is built. 

The most perfect halls of this period now remaining are 
undoubtedly those at Winchester and at Stoke-Say. The 
former was certainly completed before the year 1240 ; it is 
now greatly deformed by the wooden partitions which form 
the county courts. In plan it may be classed with similar 
buildings of the twelfth century, being divided by clustered 
piers into aisles ; the internal details of the windows re- 
semble in one respect those in Moyses' hall at Bury 
St. Edmund's ; the masonry is not carried up to a level 
with the sill of the window, and thus a bench of stone is 
formed on each side of it \ The roof, which is of wood, 

k This is the usual character of dis- windows are huilt on this plan at all 
tinction between a domestic window and dates, 
a church window. Almost all domestic 


appears to be of the time of Edward the Fourth. Scarcely 
any alteration has been made in the hall at Stoke-Say 
since the period of its construction, by the baronial family 
of Say, or Ludlow, in 1291 ; the windows have stone 
benches, as at Winchester: the chimney shafts, which 
shew a bold elevation above the roof of the tower, are good 
and perfect specimens of this date ; and compared with 
other contemporary examples the fire-places are singularly 
light in design 1 . 

Capacious as these apartments generally were, the pro- 
fuse charity and hospitality of the age often required 
further accommodation. At Westminster and at Windsor 
Castle respectively there were, in this century, two halls, a 
greater and a lesser. It was the frequent practice of John 
and Henry the Third to order both the halls at Westminster 
to be filled with poor people, who were feasted at the royal 
expense ; and when a parliament was assembled, or when 
the king held a cour pleniere, and wore his crown, as at 
Christmas or Whitsuntide, extensive temporary accommo- 
dation was provided for the concourse of guests. There 
was in that age less difference between the style of house- 
keeping and expenditure of the sovereign and that of his 
more opulent subjects than is generally supposed ; and 
therefore illustrations of domestic economy, as well as of 
the nature and extent of domestic buildings, may be taken 
without impropriety from the description of royal enter- 
tainments transmitted to us by contemporary writers. One 
of this class, who was probably town-clerk of London at 
the end of the thirteenth century, thus details the pre- 
parations made in the palace at Westminster for the coro- 
nation of Edward the First, in 1273 m . 

1 These and other remaining examples m " Liber de Antiquis Legibus," edited 

of tbe Domestic Architecture of this by T. Stapleton ; printed for the Camden 

century are more particularly described Society, p. 172. 
in the next chapter. 





All the vacant ground within the enclosure of the palace 
at Westminster, was entirely covered with houses and other 
offices. There were several halls built on the south side of 
the old palace, " as many as could be built there," in which 
tables, " firmly fixed in the ground, were set up, whereon 
the magnates and princes and nobles were to be feasted on 
the day of the coronation, and during fifteen days there- 
after;" so that all, as well poor as rich, coming to the 
solemnity were to be gratuitously received, and none driven 
away. " And innumerable kitchens also were built within 
the said enclosure, for the preparation of viands against the 
same solemnity. And lest those kitchens should not be 
sufficient, there were numberless leaden cauldrons placed 
outside them, for the cooking of meats. And it is to be 
remembered that the great kitchen in which fowls, and 
other things were to be cooked, was wholly uncovered at 
the top, so that all manner of smoke might escape. No 
one can describe the other utensils necessary for the sus- 
tentation of so great a court : no one can tell the number 
of barrels of wine which were prepared for it"/' The 

n By referring to the original accounts king and queen, clad in their regalia, 

of the expenses incurred on this occa- walked through a wooden passage or 

sion, we are enabled to supply an " alley," as it is called, which was built 

amount of information on some of these from the door of the smaller hall to the 

points which was not perhaps obtainable church. In the precise and business- 

by the writer. Three hundred barrels like language of Master Robert, the 

of wine were purchased, which, with the "halls" of the chronicler above quoted 

charge of carriage to Westminster, cost are described as " lodges" or sheds ; he 

£643. 15s. 4d. ; of these one hundred and speaks of kitchens, but does not say 

sixteen were drank out on the coronation how many were built : the choir of the 

day ; at the same time it must be noted, abbey was covered with a temporary 

it was chiefly Bordeaux, or vin ordinaire. wooden floor, and " the new tower be- 

Leaden cauldrons for boiling meat, are yond the choir was roofed with boards." 

enumerated in the account of Master The amount of this architectural bill is 

Robert of Beverley, who was clerk of the £1100. Is. 4d., and another small ac- 

works at the time, as are also certain count for general expenses, including 

ovens " and divers other works." A wine but not provisions, presents a total 

great temporary stable was built in the of £2865. Is. Id. — Rot. Pip. 2 Edw. I., 

churchyard of St. Margaret's. The rot. compot. — These records are so 



writer, after a burst of enthusiasm, in which he declares 
that such plenty and luxury had never been witnessed in 
times past, adds, " the great and the small hall were newly 
whitewashed and painted, — and if any thing within the en- 
closure of the palace of the lord the king was broken or 
impaired by age, or in any other manner, it was put in 
good condition." 

It is hardly necessary to observe that the " great hall " 
mentioned in the preceding narrative was that built by 
William Rufus ; which underwent many alterations during 
this century, and still exists, though again altered in the 
time of Richard the Second, and more recently by the 
successive efforts of Soane, Smirke and Barry. 

The extensive preparations and large hospitality at the 
coronation of Edward formed in some degree an exceptional 
case ; but on a careful examination of contemporary autho- 
rities it will be found that the greater English nobles often 
vied with the crown in ordinary expenditure; and dis- 
pensed hospitality on a scale of magnificence which re- 
quired domestic buildings of an approximate character, so 
far as space for public receptions was concerned, and also 
that which was scarcely of less importance, stabling. For 
example, in the year 1265 Simon de Mont fort, earl of 
Leicester, travelled with a train of one hundred and sixty- 
two horses to visit his countess at Wallingford Castle ; on 
his arrival there the number of horses in the stable 
amounted to three hundred and thirty-four ; in that 
troublous year they could not have been safely picketed 
without the castle walls. About the same time, a few 
days after Easter, the countess of Leicester entertained, or 
gave food at Wallingford, to eight hundred paupers ; it 

minute in their details that they give and seats. By multiplying the sums 
the price of the parchment and cords named by fifteen the amount in modern 
used to measure the two halls for tables currency is obtained. 


may be said that these guests, having had their meal dis- 
tributed to them, carried it away ; and it might have been 
so arranged : but a little later in the same year we find her 
giving a dinner at Dover, to the burgesses of Sandwich, 
when it is expressly stated that the company dined in " two 
places;" and not long afterwards, being still at Dover, she 
feasted the same burgesses, together with the men of Win- 
chelsea . As it was her object to secure the fidelity of 
those ports to her husband's cause, it is more than probable 
that the countess entertained the greater part of the 
commons of each place, not deputations only p . It would 
be an unnecessary waste of space to cite the numerous 
examples of this description which are to be found in the 
chronicles of the times, and indeed many will readily occur 
to the reader's memory. 

We have no satisfactory information respecting the usual 
position of the kitchen relatively to the hall ; but it was 
situated at no great distance, and often connected with it 
by a covered passage. In royal establishments it was 
usual to have a kitchen for the king's table, another for 
the queen, and a third for the household. In the early part 
of the reign of Henry the Third there were two kitchens 
at Windsor, near the great hall, surrounded by a strong 
palisaded It would seem also that these offices were in 
general of very slight construction, and that mere tempo- 
rary buildings were erected as occasion required at the 
several royal manors. In the seventeenth year of Henry 
the Third the royal kitchens at Oxford were blown down 
by a strong wind, as appears by a precept of that date 

" Household Manners and Expenses were far more populous and important 

of England in the thirteenth and fifteenth than at present. 

Centuries," printed for the Roxburgh i Rot. Pip. 18 Hen. III. comp. pro 

Club: 4to. 1841. operat. apud Windesores. See the nu- 

p It must be borne in mind that in merous directions relative to the con- 

the thirteenth century the Cinque Ports struction of kitchens in Chapter V. 


ordering their restoration 1 ". There were two other depart- 
ments connected with every large establishment of this 
period, which remain to be noticed ; the sewery and but- 
lery. In the former were kept provisions for the house- 
hold 8 , linen and other table furniture, and in the latter, as 
its name implies, all the apparatus required for the service 
of wine and beer. There was sometimes also a brewery. 
In household rolls of the thirteenth century the daily 
expenditure is almost always classed under the following 
heads; 1. The amount of bread, wine and beer supplied 
from the sewery and butlery; 2. The cost and quantity of 
the provisions furnished from the kitchen ; 3. The expenses 
of the stables, including farriers' work ; and in some ac- 
counts there is a fourth item relating to the brewery t . 

To the king's houses there were always attached apart- 
ments called "wardrobes;" where the heavy and costly 
cloths and stuffs required for the apparel of the sovereign 
and his household were kept, and where also the royal 
tailors worked. When it is remembered that the attend- 
ants of the court had their summer and winter dresses at 
the expense of the king, and that at this early period it 
was difficult to purchase any large quantity of the cloths 
and furs, necessary for the clothing of a numerous retinue, 
except at the great periodical fairs, it must be obvious that 
the "wardrobe" needed ample room. In the wardrobe 
also were kept the still rarer productions of the East, which 
then found their way to England ; as almonds, ginger, the 
rosy and violet coloured sugars of Alexandria, and other 
" stomatica " as they were termed. It may be noticed, 

* Liberate Roll, 17 Hen. III. 

8 There is a writ of Henry III, ordering 
a granary to be made " in dispensa aule 
nostre Oxoniis," to hold bread. — Lib. 11. 
Hen. III. 

* See as an example of this kind, the 

household roll of the countess of Lei- 
cester in " Household Manners and Ex- 
penses of the 13th and 1 5th centuries," 
pp. 3 — 85. In royal accounts the 
salsary is usually included. 



though rather for the sake of an anecdote illustrative of the 
manners of the times than for its special importance, that 
a large wood-cellar was, as might be imagined, an indis- 
pensable adjunct of an extensive residence. On one occa- 
sion Henry the Third ordered the wood -cellar at Clarendon 
to be fitted up as a chamber for the knights in attendance 
on his person u . 

It will appear from the preceding remarks, and the 
authorities by which they are supported, that the general 
plan of domestic buildings of the thirteenth century strictly 
resembled the arrangements which were usual in the pre- 
vious age. The new style of architecture called the Gothic, 
or Early English, gave of course an entirely novel and dis- 
tinctive character to the details of secular, as well as ecclesi- 
astical edifices, but it did not generate any change in the 
ordinary features of either ; and for the plain reason that 
those religious forms and social usages which had originated 
the structural peculiarities of sacred and civil architecture 
still continued in full force. Indeed it is a fact that must 
not be lost sight of, that the feudal system itself exerted a 
direct and readily perceptible influence on the character of 
Domestic Architecture. The ample jurisdiction, not unfre- 
quently including royalties, granted by the crown to its 
great tenants rendered every baronial seat, and, in its 
degree, every manorial house, a miniature regal establish- 
ment. As the sovereign entertained his court, and the 
judges of the realm held pleas, in the hall at Westminster, 
so the lords of honours and manors, aided by assessors, 
held their royalty courts and courts-baron at their chief 
seats x , administered justice, and entertained and received 

u See the illustrations in Chapter V. Grand Khan. See Marsden's edition. 
The royal wardrobes of England in the x The lord's residence was called 

thirteenth century bore some analogy to "caput baronize;" an ordinary manor- 

the large wardrobes which Marco Polo house " mesuagium capilale." 
describes as attached to the palaces of the 


suit and service of their dependents. Then the large 
manorial hall was rendered necessary for other purposes 
than the exercise of hospitality ; in those times there was 
no village inn at which the lord's agent could receive the 
suitors ; the readiest, and perhaps the only substitute for 
the hall would have been the shade of the first broad oak 
within the lord's demesne ; a place of adjournment suited 
only to a summer's day. Thus the hall was essentially 
feudal, in origin and purpose, and continued to be the chief 
feature of every mansion until the decay of that social 
system in which it had its origin. 

We may now proceed to examine the constructive and 
ornamental details of houses of this period. 

There can be no doubt, from the evidence of contempo- 
rary records, that the number of houses built wholly of 
stone, was small compared with those of which wood formed 
the chief, and often the sole material y . In the sixteenth 
century, Harrison in his " Description of England 2 ," ob- 
served that, with the exception of mansions belonging to 
the nobility, and the more wealthy gentry, buildings were 
generally constructed of timber. While there was a great 
abundance of a material so easily convertible, it was natu- 
rally preferred to stone, the use of which, even where 
quarries were near at hand, involved considerable expense 
for any sort of work but that of the rudest nature. There 
were at the same time many domestic buildings in which 
the two materials were combined, as in the house of 
Edward the Eirst, in Woolmer forest. Not much is known 
respecting the use of bricks in the thirteenth century ; and 
probably Little Wenham Hall, which has been already 

y See the numerous grants of timber son, " ad se hospitandum." 

from the royal forests, for building pur- * Holinshed's Chronicles. Although 

poses, on the Liberate and Close Rolls, not always to be trusted implicitly, he 

of the time of Henry the Third : thus may, in this particular, be received as 

so many oaks would be granted to a per- good evidence. 



noticed, is the only entire brick building that can be 
assigned to that period. In districts where life and pro- 
perty were always in peril, as on the Scottish and Welsh 
Marshes a , and more especially on the former, buildings 
were made as secure as possible and little timber was used 
in their construction. There is a curious representation of 
a small manor-house on a personal _^jfMi 
seal of this period, which was ori- 
ginally engraved for the " Arch- 
aeological Journal^" and is here 
reproduced ; the date of it is about 
1273. With the exception of its 
cylindrical chimney shaft, the build- 
ing is apparently of wood ; the 
frame-timbers being clearly de- 
fined : the windows are placed so ^ 
high that the habitable chamber would seem to be on the 
upper story, according to the ordinary plan, and the door- 
way is on the ground-floor ; implying the existence of an 
internal staircase. In houses of this description the inter- 
stices of the wooden frame- work were usually filled with a 
composition, or plaster, of lime and mud, mixed with straw, 
and laid upon laths . 

The practice of plastering and whitewashing buildings, 
whether of wood, or stone, or rubble, was universal, and 
that both externally and internally d ; and this process so 
vehemently denounced by modern antiquaries was liberally 

a Thus Edward the First, in 1294, 
granted to Hugh de Frene, that he might 
fortify and crenellate his dwelling at 
" Mockes," co. Hereford, with a wall of 
stone and lime, without tower or turret, 
so that the wall under the crenellation 
should be ten feet high. Rot. Pat. 21, 
Edw. I. 

Vol. i. p. 219, communicated by the 

Rev. Lambert B. Larking. 

c " Et in feno ad plausturam aule," 
&c. See note f, p. 60 ante. 

d H Et in stipendiis illorum qui deal- 
baverunt exterius turrim de Blunvill', 
aulam, et magnam cameram, xiiij. li. 
iiij. s. x. d." Comp. de operat. domo- 
rum in Turri Lond., Rot. Pip. 19 Hen 
III.; circa 1234. 


applied also to ecclesiastical edifices. It appears from early 
accounts of this period, that it was very common to build 
of chalk, flint and rag-stone, the quoins and reveals of the 
windows being of dressed masonry, or " talestone," as it 
was called (pierre de taille*). 

Roofs (cumuli) of the thirteenth century had a considera- 
ble pitch, and their ridges were not unfrequently decorated 
with a running ornamentation called a crest, either of 
metal, stone or tile ; they were invariably constructed of 
wood, and covered with shingles of wood or stone, tiles, 
and sometimes, though rarely, with slate. The open 
timber-framing of the interior was generally plain, though 
a few instances do occur of directions to paint the wood- 
works Thatching was not unfrequently used in buildings 
even of the better class ; the roof of the chapel at the royal 
manor of Kennington having been destroyed by fire, about 
the year 1236, was replaced by "a certain light roof" of 
laths, covered with "thatch" or straw g . Towers of this 
date are so often represented, in contemporary manuscripts, 
with high ridged, and sometimes with pyramidal roofs, that 
it seems reasonable to infer that flat-roofs were not in 
general use ; the embattled gate-houses of some old conti- 

e The established technical terms for 
architectural details occur early in this 
century, as tablamenta for string-courses » 
voussoirs, crenelles, " ashlarcoines," 
corbells, nowels, " scu-ashlars," " par- 
pencoines," sills (solea), crests, curb- 
stones ; the mullion dividing a window 
of two lights was generally named a 
" column ; " the piers supporting a hall 
"postes," even when of stone: — " pre- 
cipimus tibi quod apud Gildeford' postes 
aule nostre qui deficiunt ibidem emen- 
dari et de bonis lapidibus de Reygate 
sublevari faciatis." Writ to the Sheriff 
of Surrey, 35 Hen. III. ; Misc. in Turr. 
Lond., no. 444. This confirms the pro- 

priety of Mr. Rickman's adoption of the 
word pier for column. 

f The chapel built by Henry the 
Third at Windsor had a wooden roof, 
coloured in imitation of one of stone at 
Lichfield. The practice of ceiling was 
not unknown at this time ; thus the 
cellars beneath the royal chamber and 
wardrobe at Rochester were ordered to 
be ceiled in the 17th Hen. III. Liberate 
roll of that year. See Chap. V. 

s " Et quodam levi cumulo faciendo 
et levando super capellam Regis, que 
combusta fuit ibidem, et eo cumulo lat- 
tando et stramine cooperiendo." Rot. 
Pip. 20 Hen. III. 



nental towns, as Aix-la-Chapelle and Basle, still preserve 
roofs of this kind. Leaden gutters with projecting spouts, 
which at a later time were replaced by carved gurgoyles, 
were ordinarily used at this period ; as they were in the 
preceding century. 

Windows in domestic buildings of this age have the 
genera] character of the Early English style ; they were 
ordinarily of two lights divided by a shaft or mullion, with 
a drip moulding, as at Aydon Castle : they had either 
simple pointed or trefoiled heads ; of the latter sort there 
are good specimens at Coggs, in Oxfordshire, and at Little 
Wenham Hall ; at Stoke Say the windows of the hall have 
stone transoms with plain tracery in the head : they are 
sometimes square-headed, as at Aydon. In this century 
we first find mention of oriel windows, of which the precise 
character is not known ; no example remaining of the period 
at all like that which is now called an oriel. There are 
numerous writs of the time of Henry the Third, directing 
the construction of oriels at Woodstock and other royal 
seats. Circular windows were frequently used in the 
gables of halls, as it appears from contemporary building 
accounts 11 . 

Glass was first applied to the windows of domestic 
buildings in this century, at least no trace, of the use of it 
for any other than ecclesiastical structures, has yet been 
discovered of an earlier date. Still it must not be sup- 
posed, that glazed-windows were to be found in every 
house : they were a luxury barely known to royalty and 

h "In cassis faciendis ad rotundas ' Glass drinking vessels were so rare 
fenestras in aula, pro vitro imponendo." in England at this time, that Henry the 
Accounts of the bailiff of the earl of Third had but one glass cup, which was 
Lincoln, circa 1295; by cassis we must presented to him by Guy de Roussillon. 
understand frames or casements for The king sent it to Edward of West- 
glazing. Numerous references to the minster, the famous goldsmith, with di- 
round windows of gables are given in rections to take off the glass foot, and to 
Chapter V. mount it on one of silver gilt; to make 



the wealthiest persons 11 , and even in palaces windows 
of glass and wood were intermixed ; the latter being dis- 
tinguished by the various names of fenestrate, lattices, win- 
dow-shutters, or literally, "window-doors," and "wooden- 
windows." The presumed reason of this fact is, strange 
as the assertion may appear, that no kind of glass was 
manufactured in this country until a comparatively late 
period, and the fragility of the material prevented any very 
regular or extensive importation of it from the continent in 
the early times of British commerce. A short digression 
on this point may be here permitted, as not irrelevant to 
the subject under consideration ; more especially since the 
antiquity of the glass manufacture in England has never 
yet been satisfactorily investigated. 

The perfection to which the Romans brought the art of 
glass-making is well known, but it was long uncertain 
whether they used glazed windows ; the discovery of por- 
tions of glass so applied at Herculaneum and at Pompeii 
has satisfactorily proved that they did. Glass-making was 
one among the many arts which survived the destruction 
of the Empire, and were exercised in Italy in the earliest 
medieval times. The island of Murano, near Venice, still 
distinguished by the production of elaborate works in this 
material, is the most ancient seat, as it was long the 
greatest, of the glass manufactory in modern Europe. We 
find glazing applied to church windows, in Italy, in the 
seventh and eighth centuries 1 . Germany and Erance 
derived the art from Italy : Nuremburg and Paris had 

a certain handle to it, answering to the 
foot, and to surround it with silver gilt 
hoops : he was to do this with all haste, 
and then to present it to the queen on 
the king's behalf. Rot. Claus. 29 Hen. 
III., m. 18. 

k See the curious remarks of Mr.Two- 

peny, on the ancient law relating to 
glass windows, as forming a part of the 
personal estate of the owner, quoted 
in the Glossary of Architecture, art. 

1 Muratori Antiq. Italicae, vol. ii. col. 


glass-houses some centuries before auy establishment of 
the kind was formed in England; and in the fourteenth 
century, the " rue de la verrerie " was the name given to 
that quarter of the French capital in which the glass- 
makers exercised their craft 111 . 

It has been attempted to claim a knowledge of glass- 
making for the ancient Britons ; and it is said that before 
the landing of Caesar they had works in which they manu- 
factured those peculiar enamelled beads often found in 
tumuli n , but which are now believed, with good reason, to 
be of foreign origin, and to have been brought to this 
island by foreign traders, for the same commercial object 
that we at the present time ship like wares to the west 
coast of Africa. This assumption, for it is nothing more> 
in favour of the civilization of the Britons, is fully as absurd 
as that theory which attributes to them a national coinage 
ascending to an antiquity of many centuries before the 
Roman invasion. But supposing that the Britons really 
did make their own glass beads and every kind of glass, it 
is nevertheless quite certain, on the testimony of Bede°, 
that glass was not made in England in the seventh century; 
therefore the art was soon lost, if it had ever been pre- 
viously known. The plain truth, however, is, that there 
is not a particle of evidence to prove that any descrip- 
tion of glass was manufactured in this country before the 
fifteenth century ; proof to the contrary may yet be dis- 
covered, but until it shall appear, that is the earliest period 
to which the introduction of this fabric can be assigned, 
and it was not produced in any considerable quantity 
until towards the middle of the following century. 

This is not the place to examine how far these facts may 

m Ducange; sab voce Vitreria. 
n See the first edition of the Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica, art. Glass. 

° Vita S. Benedicti inter opera historic* 

minora Ven. Bedae, Lond. 1841, p. 45. 
Benedict brought glass and glaziers 
from Gaul* 


affect the theories which have been propounded respecting 
the remains of painted glass in England : the art of colour- 
ing and enamelling glass may have been well known 
and generally exercised here long before the manufacture 
of that substance itself was established ; but it is indis- 
putable that the long and valuable series of our national 
records does not supply one single notice of glass-making 
anterior to the period above mentioned. Among the 
witnesses to numerous existing deeds and conveyances of 
property in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries we fail 
to detect the calling of a glass-maker, and that of a glazier 
occurs but rarely p. 

Window-glass was one among the many commodities 
which we obtained in the middle ages from the Flemings 
in exchange for our staple production, wool. Some was 
imported also from Normandy, where the manufacture of 
it appears to have been of considerable antiquity ; but 
those parts of the continent in which it was most exten- 
sively produced were the Low Countries, the district of 
the Vosges in Lorraine q , and Venice ; down to the close 
of the seventeenth century the drinking-glasses ordinarily 

P Edward the king's glazier (vitre- 
arius) at Windsor had an annual pen- 
sion from Henry the Third. See Chap- 
ter V. A master glazier was attached to 
the royal household in the time of Henry 
the Sixth, who granted to John Prudde 
" the office of Glaserye of oure werkes," 
to hold as " Rogier Gloucestre" had 
held it, " with a shedde called the Gla- 
zier's logge standing upon the west side 
withynne oure paloys of Westm." — 
Privy Seal, 19 Henry VI. He was the 
same John Prudde who covenanted to paint 
the windows of the Beauchamp Chapel 
at Warwick, in 1439 : he was to use no 
"glasse of England;" this, which is the 
earliest specific mention of English glass, 

shews that it Was not much esteemed. — ■ 
See Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 355. 

<1 " At what tyme that trouhles began 
in Fraunce and the lowe countryes, so 
that glasse could not conveniently be 
brought from Loraine into England, 
certain glass-makers did covenant with 
Anthony Dollyne and Jno. Carye mer- 
chantes of the said low countryes to 
come and make glass in England." 
Petition of George Longe to Lord Burgh- 
ley, about 1589 : Lansdown MS. No. 59, 
art. 72. Dollyne and Carye obtained a 
patent for making glass in England, in 
September, 1567, on condition of teaching 
the art to Englishmen, and of paying 
certain customs to the Crown. Ibid. 



sold in England were made at the latter place from pat- 
terns sent ont by our glass-dealers r . 

Although glazed-windows both plain and coloured had 
been long previously introduced into ecclesiastical buildings 
in England, it was not, as already observed, until the thir- 
teenth and fourteenth centuries that they were inserted in 
domestic residences, and even then they were not common. 
It would appear that there was no very abundant supply of 
window-glass to be had in those times. In the year 1386 
we find a writ of Richard the Second, empowering one 
Nicholas Hoppewell to take as much glass as he could find, 
or might be needful, in the counties of Norfolk, North- 
ampton, Leicester and Lincoln, " as well within liberties 
as without, saving the fee of the Church, " for the repair of 
the windows of the chapel founded at Stamford in honour 
of the king's mother, Joan, princess of Wales : he had also 
authority to impress as many glaziers as should be requi- 
site for the work 8 . The obvious inference is that, when 
it was necessary to search four counties for glass to restore 
a few windows, there could have been no great quantity of 
that material in the country. Yet the cost of glass, as com- 
pared with other objects, was not remarkably high, even in 
the reign of Edward the First ; it was three-pence halfpenny 
a foot including the cost of glazing or about four shillings 
and four-pence modern currency. 

r See a curious collection of patterns 
for beer and other glasses, with copies of 
letters, sent by a London dealer to his 
agent at Venice, in 1667, in the Addi- 
tional MS. 855. (Brit. Mus.) 

s Fcedera, vol. vii. p. 527. 

t " Et xxj. s. x. d. ob. in sexaginta 
quindecim pedibus vitri emptispro dictis 
fenestris cum stipendio facientis et im- 
ponentis." Account of the bailiff of 
the earl of Lincoln, circa 1295. It is 
apprehended that " facientis" means the 

cutter or glazier, not the maker. This 
was about the usual price : in the " Me- 
moriale" of Prior Henry of Canterbury, 
written early in the fourteenth century, 
we find as follows : " Of the weight and 
measure of glass. — And memorandum, 
that of one poise of glass which contains 
five small pounds may be made one 
glass-window two feet and a half long, 
and one foot wide. That is of two small 
pounds and a half of glass may be made 
one foot and a quarter of a glass-window 


It is not known how early in the fifteenth century the 
art of glass-making was practised in England : but the great 
favour extended by Henry the Sixth to alchemical experi- 
ments, brought many professors of the " occult" sciences 
to his court ; and the introduction of manganese as a flux 
in the manufacture of glass is generally ascribed to the 
searchers for the grand secret of the transmutation of 
metals u . However this may have been, it is not until the 
year 1439 that we find any precise mention of English 
glass, and that occurs in the contract for glazing the Beau- 
champ chapel at Warwick ; it is named also in the accounts 
of the works done at the mansion of Cold Harbour, in 
London, in 1485, where it appears in the glazier's bills 
with Dutch, Normandy, and Venice glass x . The same va- 
rieties of glass continued in use during the reign of Henry 
the Eighth, and, indeed, till the seventeenth century. 

The manufactory of glass established in this country by 
the patent of Elizabeth, referred to in a previous note, 
appears to have met with some degree of success. In the 
memorial of George Longe, already quoted, it is stated 
that in the year 1589 there were fifteen glass-houses in 
England ; these, or at least the greater number of them, 
had been erected under the monopoly y conceded to Dollyn 

in length and width. And the foot is 
worth two- pence, without the wages of 
the glazier. And memorandum, that to 
every poise of glass there should be had 
two small pounds of lead. That is to 
every foot of a glass-window one small 
pound of lead mixt with tin." — Cotton 
MS. Galba E. iv. fo. 28 b. 

u Beckmann's History of Inventions, 
art. manganese. 

x These accounts are at the Chapter- 
house, Westminster. The prices of the 
several kinds of glass were, Dutch, 4 id. 
a foot ; Venice, 5d. ; Normandy, 6d. a 
foot ; English, 1 d. a quarrel ; it seems 

probable that English glass was made of 
small dimensions. Normandy glass was 
imported in cases, each costing in the 
time of Henry VIII. sixteen shillings, 
at the highest price : a case contained 
140 feet. " The reporte of John Bote 
glassyer ;" Lansd. MS. No. 21, art. 68. 

y The foreigners who contracted with 
Dollyne and Carye to make glass in 
England were " Thomas and Balth. zar 
de Hamezel, esquires, dwelling at the 
glass-houses of Vosges in the coUntrie of 
Lorrayne," and their partners. Con- 
temporary transl. of the partnership deed 
in the Lansdown MS* No. 59, art. 76. 



and Carye of Antwerp, in ] 567. The object of Longe's 
petition to Lord Bnrghley, was to obtain a new patent for 
himself, that of the Antwerp traders having expired. He 
proposed to reduce the number of glass-houses in England 
to two, and to erect others in Ireland, whereby the woods 
in England would be preserved z , and the superfluous 
woods of Ireland wasted, " than which in tyme of rebellion 
her majestie hath no greater enemye there ;" the country, 
he added, would be much cc strengthened," every glass- 
house being equal to a garrison of twenty men, and it 
would also be sooner brought to " civilyte, for many poore 
folke shalbe sett on worke a ." The result of his petition is 
unknown. Whatever may have been the retarding causes, 
among which monopolies must be reckoned, it is certain 
that very little extension, or improvement, of the glass- 
manufacture in England took place before the accession of 
William and Mary. 

It is now expedient to recur to the thirteenth century ; 
this digression having extended to a greater length than 
was intended. 

The glass employed in domestic buildings was ordinarily 
plain, and was called white glass, although it appears from 
specimens which have been preserved to have had a decided 
green tinge. Painted glass is not mentioned so often as 
might be expected in documents relating to the royal 
houses. Among the accounts of works at Windsor, in 
the time of Henry the Third, there is a notice of the inser- 
tion of a glass-window, in the gable of the queen's chamber, 
on which was depicted the " root of Jesse," a favourite 

55 At this time furnaces of every de- 
scription were established in forest dis- 
tricts ; very little coal being used for fuel ; 
thus the most considerable iron manufac- 
tories were in the forest of Dean and the 
woodlands of Sussex ; they migrated, as 

wood became scarce, from one district to 
another: hence in the thirteenth century 
they were called " forgiae itinerantes." 

a He states that he had already tried 
the experiment of glass-making in Ire- 


pictorial subject of the time b ; it was provided with a 
wooden shutter. Armorial bearings were seldom repre- 
sented on windows during the thirteenth century. 

Wooden shutters {fenestra lignem) were however far 
more common than glass ; examples, probably of this date, 
still remain at Coggs in Oxfordshire ; where the original 
mode of securing them is shewn ; the mullion dividing the 
window-lights being internally sculptured with projecting 
semi-circular knobs, perforated, through which bars of iron 
were passed horizontally : in this instance the shutters are 
square-headed, so that the upper parts of the pointed lights 
must have been left open . At Little Wenham Hall, in 
Suffolk, the two lancet lights opening from the chapel, or 
oratory, to the hall, still retain their original shutters, which 
are pointed like the window ; the masonry being recessed 
to allow them to close evenly with the surrounding stone- 
work d . 

Double glass-windows appear to have been sometimes 
employed ; a writ of Henry the Third directs the clerks of 
the works at Windsor to make, at each gable of the king's 
" high chamber" one glass window on the outside of the 
inner window of each gable, " so that when the inner 
windows shall be closed, the glass windows may be seen 
outside e ." 

There is some difficulty in rightly understanding the 
precise meaning of directions contained in records of the 
thirteenth century respecting windows, from the wooden 
shutters being commonly termed fenestra ; thus we have a 
contemporary account for " making a certain glass window 

b " Et in alia verina ponenda in ga- 
bulo ejusdem camere in qua depicta sit 
radix Jesse, cum fenestra lignea;" — Rot. 
Comp. Pip. 20 Hen. III. See various 
orders respecting painted glass for win- 
dows in Chapter V. 

c Neither of these windows appears to 
have been glazed. 

d Unglazed windows, with shutters of 
this kind, may still be noted in the 
poorer districts of old continental towns. 

« Rot.. Claus. 28 Hen. III. 



{fenestra vitrea), and another of wood," in the king's 
chapel at Windsor f ; here a doubt may be entertained 
whether a second window is signified, or merely shutters 
for the glass casement first mentioned. Nor is it always 
clear that fenestrate meant shutters, as in another bill, of 
nearly the same date, there is a charge for " putting two 
glass-lights, like unto the glass-lights in the king's chamber 
at Windsor, in the queen's chamber there, towards the 
king's garden, with certain fenestrals, to open and shut g ;" 
in this instance fenestrals appear to signify the moveable 
portions of glazed windows ; the queen beholding his 
majesty taking the air in his herbary might feel disposed to 
open her casement and hold converse with him ; according 
to the most veracious romances of those times ladies fre- 
quently spoke from their bower-windows. Such small 
casements are occasionally pictured in manuscripts of this 
date. It is nevertheless certain that large glass windows 
were sometimes made to open on each side of the central 
mullion, from top to bottom : there are writs of Henry the 
Third directing glass casements " to be cut down the 
centre," so that they might be opened and closed at 

Though glass was in partial use at this time, it is beyond 
all doubt that wooden lattices and shutters were still the 
ordinary apparatus for the admission of light and air, as 
well as for protection against inclement weather : there is 
some reason also for believing that canvas was at times 
employed as an adjunct 11 ; that it was used to cover in 

f Rot. Comp. Pip. 18 Hen. III. Hen. III. Comp. pro Windsor. See 

S " Et in duabus ferinis (sic pro veri- Chapter V. 

nis) consimilibus verinis camere Regis h Thus in the accounts of the ex- 

Windesor' ponendis in fenestra camere ecutors of Eleanor, consort of Edward I., 

Regine ibidem, versus herbarium Regis, we find an entry, " pro canabo ad fenes- 

cum quibusdam fenestraribus, ad aperi- trellas ad scaccarium regin<e, apud West- 

endum et claudendum." — Rot. Pip. 20 monasterium, iijd." 



church windows before they were glazed, is shewn by the 
fabric accounts of Westminster abbey and other churches 
of this time 1 . Wooden shutters, however, were not invari- 
ably fixed internally ; they were very commonly made on 
the outside of windows, attached to the head, and were 
pushed up and kept raised by a prop of wood or iron, as 
noticed in the first chapter; this is the kind of shutter 
most frequently represented in illuminations of the thirteenth 
and following century- 1 '. Even when fitted with the great- 
est accuracy, these " window-doors " could have afforded 
little defence against rough weather ; but the probability is 
that they were in general coarsely made ; a charge for 
(C making the windows shut better than usual," is not 
uncommon in accounts of this time k . The inconvenience 
of draughts of cold air was provided against, in some 
degree, by placing the lights nearer the roof than the floor 
of an apartment, especially in halls. There is a precept of 
Henry the Third directing glass to be substituted for wood 
in a window in the queen's wardrobe at the Tower, " so 
that that chamber might not be so windy." 

There was yet another method in early times of filling 
windows, which remains to be noticed. It was not unusual 
to glaze only the upper lights of large windows, the lower 
parts being fitted with wooden shutters, by which air was 
admitted or excluded at pleasure. The lateral windows in 
the hall at Winchester, and in that at Stoke-Say, are pre- 
sumed to have been finished in such a manner. This 
fashion appears to have continued, in some parts of the 
kingdom, until the seventeenth century 1 . 

1 See Introduction, p. xxx. ; and note. 

j Quaere : were these the " fenestra 
culicice " so often mentioned in the writs 
of Henry the Third. 

k " Et in fenestris melius solito clau- 
dendis."— .Account of the manor of Ken- 

nington, Rot. Pip. 18 Hen. III. 

1 See a quotation from Ray's Itine- 
rary in Scotland in Sir John Cullum's 
" History and Antiquities of Hawsted," 
p. 209 ; and Mr. Smirke's paper on the hall 
at Winchester, in the first volume of the 





Fire-places of this date differ very slightly in form from 
those of the Norman period, but they are less massive in 
construction. Flues were ordinarily cylindrical shafts of 
masonry, carried above the ridge of the roof, though there 
is an example, at Aydon castle, of a chimney terminating 
at the parapet-wall in a conical head, which is pierced 
laterally to allow the smoke to escape; the commoner 
fashion, however, was to run the chimneys considerably 
higher than the roof, and they are invariably so represented 
in contemporary drawings. Orders to raise the chimneys 
of the king's houses are very frequent in the time of 
Henry the Third. 

In the apartments built by Henry the Third at his 
various manors the mantels of fire-places were sometimes 
constructed of marble and elaborately carved, or painted, with 
such designs as the twelve months of the year, probably the 
signs of the Zodiac, the wheel of Fortune, and the root of 
Jesse ; he ordered a mantel to be painted in the tower 
of London, the subject being a personification of Winter, 
with a sad visage and miserable contortions of the body m . 
It appears by a precept of the same monarch that one flue 
was sometimes so constructed as to carry off the smoke of 
two fire-places 11 . But flues were not always used even in 
the royal apartments ; hearths , formed of stone or tile, 
which appear to have been in the centre of the room, with 
louvers on the roof above, were still employed; and such 
hearths were probably in general use in many buildings of 
inferior character. It should be remarked that there may 
have been fire-places and flues in some existing buildings 

"Proceedings of the Archaeological In- 
stitute." Mr. Jewitt is of opinion that 
only the parts above the transoms of the 
windows at Stoke- Say were glazed. 

m Liberate 24 Henry III. See the 
collection of the king's orders relative to 

his various mansions in Chapter V. 

D See Extract relating to Clipston 
from the Liberate Roll 35 Henry IN. in 
Chapter V. 

" Astra ;" the louver is termed " fu- 


of this period, where no indications of them are now 
discernible ; it appears to have been very common to build 
fire-places and chimneys of plaster only p ; they must have 
been run up against the internal wall, and from the nature 
of the material employed they could be easily destroyed, 
or, which is the same thing, they would fall down, and in 
course of time no marks of their having existed would 
remain. In kitchens, which were usually open at the top, 
hearths were ordinarily used, and they were likewise 
furnished with ovens, though in royal houses the oven was 
sometimes in a distinct building. 

The access to the principal entrance of manor-houses at 
this period, as in the preceding century, was usually by 
an external staircase, carried on the wall and protected 
from the weather by an overhanging shed or pent-house ; 
these stairs appear to have been ordinarily of wood. Traces 
of such a mode of entrance remain at Charney Basset, and 
Stoke-Say ; while at Aydon the original external flight of 
stone steps yet remains, as before noticed. The principal 
entrance to Little Wenham Hall was by an outer stair of 
wood or stone. From the precepts of Henry the Third it 
appears that these external stairs frequently ended in a 
wooden porch erected before the door of the building q . The 
same plan was generally adopted for communication be- 
tween the upper and lower story of a house when it con- 
sisted of two floors only ; although there is an instance at 
West-Deane rectory-house, of internal communication by 
a newel stair at one angle of the building ; but this sort 
of stair does not seem to have been very commonly used 
during the thirteenth century. There was also another 
mode of communicating with the upper or lower story of 
a building, and that was by a trap-door ; it was by a de- 

P " Et in uno camino de plastro faciendo in wardaroba Regis in castro de Winde- 
sore, vj. li. vj. d. ob."— Rot. Pip. 20 Hen. III. q Chapter V. passim. 







seen ding-trap {trap a descendens) that Henry the Third 
passed from his chamber to his chapel or oratory at Cla- 
rendon 1 "; he ordered it to be removed and a spiral stair 
(vicia; vis, Er.) to be constructed at one angle instead : on 
the other hand the only communication between his chamber 
and the chapel above it in Rochester castle being by an 
internal stair, the king ordered an outer stair to be con- 
structed that he might not be inconvenienced by people on 
their way to chapel passing through his chamber 3 . 

As regards the internal decorations and fittings of or- 
dinary houses in the thirteenth century we have scarcely 
any information, but the records of the time of Henry the 
Third yield the fullest and most interesting details with 
respect to the interior ornamentation of royal castles and 
manor-houses that can be desired. 

Necham, writing at the end of the twelfth century, no- 
ticed, as may be remembered 4 , the practice of smoothing 
and polishing the internal surface of walls by the mason's 
trowel, and alluded likewise to painting as a means of de- 
coration ; but there was another method of ornamenting, 
and of adding at the same time to the comfort, of rooms, 
which, although it appears to have been unknown in his 
time, came into use during the thirteenth century ; viz. the 
fashion of wainscoting rooms. There might possibly be 
some doubt as to the exact meaning of the word employed 
in medieval Latin {lambruscaturd) to indicate this process, 
but that there exists ample secondary evidence of the true 
signification of the term. When we find numerous orders 
for the purchase of boards for wainscoting chambers, it is 
clear that it could not have implied an internal lining of 
plaster, or similar material 11 . 

r Liberate, 28 Hen. III. 
8 Liberate, Hen. III. 
1 See p. 15, ante. 

u Tbe Fr. word lamhris from which it 
is derived does indeed mean an internal 
lining of marble, wood, or other material ; 


There is no evidence to shew that wainscoting was com- 
monly used during this century, probably it was not ; but 
as it was generally applied to the royal chambers and 
chapels, it may have been also employed in the domestic 
buildings of the larger and wealthier monasteries. The 
wood ordinarily selected was fir, possibly because it was 
cheaper and more easily worked than oak ; Norway planks 
were largely imported into this country from an early 
period of the century, and, perhaps, although it is not quite 
so clear, at a still earlier time. 

Some attempts at ornamental patterns in wainscote seem 
to have been made during the time of Henry the Third. In 
the twenty-first year of his reign he ordered his clerks of 
the works at Windsor to work day and night to wainscote 
a chamber in Windsor castle " with boards radiated and 
coloured, so that nothing might be found reprehensible in 
that wainscote x they were allowed only two clear days 
to complete the work ; this, however, is the only instance 
of the kind that has been yet discovered. The more ordi- 
nary custom was to paint the wainscoting with patterns or 
subjects taken from sacred or profane story. 

From the allusion by Necham to painting it appears suf- 
ficiently probable that some kind of polychromatic decora- 
ration was not uncommon in England as early as the close 
of the twelfth century. Indeed it would be strange if an 
art extensively practised on the continent about the year 
1200 had not been soon adopted in this country, especially 
by a prince so lavish in his patronage of the fine arts as 

but that only in its modern sense. It 
has been supposed that " lambruscare," 
signified " to plaster," and it has been 
often so translated. See the last French 
ed. of Du Cange, s. v. In the 37th Hen. 
III. one thousand Norway boards were 
purchased to wainscote certain rooms in 
Windsor castle. Liberate 37 Hen. 111. 

On the Liberate Roll 26 Hen. III. m. 4, 
is an order to pay William Beufiz 51 s. 
6d., "pro lambriscura quam fieri fecit in 
camera navis nostre in qua transfretavi- 

x See the order under Close Roll 21 
Hen. III. in Chapter V. 



was Henry the Third ; whose court was always thronged 
with Italian priests and Italian money-lenders. As soon as 
the Florentine bankers, the ancestors of the Medici and 
Frescobaldi, established themselves here they were followed 
by some Italian artists, of whom William the Florentine 
was the most distinguished. If, as it has been stated 
by eminent authorities, a predominant green tint was the 
characteristic of the Greek, or Byzantine, school of art, 
the principles of which, in the thirteenth century, were in 
fashion at Florence; then may be it was owing to the 
taste of Master William that almost all the chambers of 
Henry the Third were painted of a green colour, scintil- 
lated or starred with gold, on which ground subjects were 
sometimes painted in compartments or circles ; as the 
history of the Old and New Testament, passages from the 
lives of the saints, figures of the Evangelists, and occa- 
sionally scenes taken from the favourite romances of the 
times. Of the style of the decoration of apartments in 
which the history of the Old and New Testament was 
painted in circles, on a green ground 7 , starred with gold, 
some idea may be formed by an examination of a fine 
manuscript of the Bible of this date, one portion of which 
is preserved in the Bodleian Library and another in the 
British Museum ; it is ornamented with circular miniatures 
arranged perpendicularly on blue and red grounds z . 

In opposition, however, to the generally received opinion 
that all pictorial, and it may be said sculptural art, as 
practised in this country during the period under con- 
sideration, was of Italian origin, it should be remembered 
that the Greek school was the only school of art from the 
eleventh to the middle of the thirteenth century. Its 

y Green was the favourite tint in all England and France ; a faint wash only 
the decorations of MSS. executed in the was used, 
eleventh and twelfth centuries both in z MS. Harl. 1527. 


conventional principles had an influence quite as early on 
the English, French, and German, as on the Italian taste. 
As regards England, our first Plantagenet sovereign, Henry 
the Second, maintained a somewhat close intercourse with 
the capital of the east of Europe, and even with the Chris- 
tian princes of Armenia, to whom he sent English hounds 
in return for presents of hunting leopards ; therefore so far 
as the Greek type is concerned we had it doubtless in 
common with, and as soon as any other nation of Europe ; 
and it was not first introduced by the Italian artists em- 
ployed by Henry the Third ; they may have had greater 
manipulative skill, probably they had, but still there was a 
race of native painters who answered general exigencies. 
Otherwise, it is impossible the works ordered by Henry 
at his residences in various counties could have been carried 
on at one and the same time, if his sheriffs and bailiffs, to 
whom the execution of those works was entrusted, were not 
able to obtain such artistic aid as they required in their 
respective bailiwicks, or not far beyond them ; an examina- 
tion of the authorities in Chapter V. will prove that the 
king's officers had often short time allowed them for the 
performance of the royal directions. The following ob- 
servations written by the author, some years ago, illustrate 
this point more fully; as they appeared in a work pri- 
vately printed z , and therefore not generally accessible, their 
reproduction on the present occasion may be excused. 

On examining the records of the time of Henry the 
Third, we find but two artists bearing names which are 
certainly foreign ; John of St. Omer, and Master William 
the Elorentine, both painters ; the latter was also an archi- 
tect, as he filled the post of master of the works at Guild- 

z " Manners and Household Expenses 
of England in the thirteenth and fifteenth 
centuries," 4to. 1841 ; presented to the 

Roxburgh club by Beriah Botfield, Esq. 
Introduction, pp. lxxvii.-viii. 



ford. To these instances may be opposed a number of 
names undoubtedly English. The architects of Westminster 
abbey were Otho the goldsmith, and Edward his son, who 
went by the names of Eitz-Otho, and Edward of West- 
minster. Walpole supposed, from his name, that Otho 
was an Italian ; he was more probably a German. It is 
believed, however, that Otho was an Englishman by birth, 
if not by descent. He was a goldsmith, and in those 
times, and in that particular craft, the son generally suc- 
ceeded to the father. Henry the Second appointed Otho 
the Young, or le Jeune, to make dies for the royal mint a , and 
it is no great stretch of probability to suppose, that Otho, 
the goldsmith of Henry the Third, who had a son old 
enough to assist him in building the abbey, might himself 
have been the son of Otho le J eune, the money er of Henry 
the Second. To proceed with the list : John of Glou- 
cester, a mason and statuary ; William the monk of West- 
minster, who painted the " gestes" of Antioch for Henry 
the Third, and whom Walpole conjectured, without any 
reason, to have been the person elsewhere called William 
the Florentine ; Master Walter the king's painter ; William 
of Gloucester, the goldsmith who cast the brass figure for 
the tomb of Catharine, the infant daughter of Henry the 
Third, which is believed to have been the first of the 
kind done in England b ; and Walter of Colchester, sa- 
cristan of St. Alban's, whom Matthew Paris, himself a 
tolerable draftsman, terms " pictor et sculptor incompara- 
bilis c ," were all Englishmen, and generally employed by 

* This fact is recited in Pat. 47 Edw. neos Regis." Rot. Pip. 18 Edw. I. 

III. pt. ii. m. 15. The office was granted Comp. de Exit. Camb. London, 

in fee, and in the 18th of Edward I. was b Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, 

held by John Buteturte, who married the vol. i. pt. i. p. 50. 

daughter and heiress of Thomas Fitz- Vitse Abb. S. Albani, pp. 1054-6. 
Otho, u cujus est de feodo scindere cu- 



Henry; doubtless many more names might be found on 
stricter search. 

In the face of such evidence to the contrary, it is im- 
possible to attribute much influence on art to the few 
Italians who may have painted in England during the thir- 
teenth century, more especially as it is admitted they were 
themselves trammeled at that period by the principles of 
the Byzantine manner. Our native artists were generally 
employed, and though they doubtless worked from con- 
ventional models, the origin of which is to be traced to 
the Greek school d , their foreign rivals were, in that respect, 
in no degree superior to them, inasmuch as it will scarcely 
be contended that the Italians acquired any peculiarly 
original style until towards the year 1300. But enough 
perhaps has been said on this subject for the present. 

The wainscoting ordered by Henry the Third in his 
precepts relating to the subject was always painted, and 
generally, as already remarked, of a green colour, very 
frequently starred with gold, but sometimes plain, with 
borders (listce) of a different pattern ; for example, in his 
thirtieth year he ordered the wainscote of his lower 
chamber at Clarendon to be painted green, with borders 
containing male and female heads, and his upper chamber 
there to be painted of the same colour, but scintillated with 
gold, on which again male and female heads were to be 
depicted 6 . The style of wainscote employed does not ap- 
pear to have entirely covered the walls, as subjects were 
frequently painted above it ; often a " curtain," or some 
" history ;" and it was probably not carried higher than 
five or six feet, as was the fashion in much later times. 
The chancels of the royal chapels were also wainscoted 
in many instances, and the space occupied by the dais in 

d See Introd., p. xv. e Liberate, 30 Hen. III. June 27. See Chapter V. 



the great halls. As the subjects selected by Henry for 
the pictorial decoration of his apartments are so fully de- 
scribed in his original precepts, collected and translated 
in a succeeding chapter, and they tell their own story so 
well, it is unnecessary in this place to enter into any fur- 
ther particulars concerning them. 

There was another feature of the internal decoration of 
the royal apartments at this time, which requires a note, 
and that was the construction of a wooden spur f on the 
inner side of a door, and sometimes against the wall of a 
chamber ; in the latter case it may have been intended 
as a sort of a canopy over the principal seat, and when 
over the doorway it was probably designed to carry dra- 
pery, to protect the room from draughts : it must be 
confessed, however, that the real destination of this sort 
of structure is unknown. The term spur is now applied 
to the carved timber-work of the doorways of ancient 
houses supporting projecting upper stories ; of which there 
are some fine examples, of the fourteenth century, in York, 
and other old towns. 

Wooden screens (escrinia) on the inner side of doors, 
both in halls and chambers, were in use in the latter part 
of Henry's reign. 

The decoration of apartments by painting was not con- 
fined only to subjects and patterns ; wooden and stone 
piers and arches were painted to imitate marble, as were 
those of the halls at Guildford and Ludgershall 6 ; and the 
same pattern, green and gold, employed on the wainscote, 
was frequently applied to the ceilings of rooms ; which 
were sometimes also decorated with historical subjects, and 
with gilded bosses. 

It does not appear that hangings or tapestry of any 
description were employed to ornament, or add to the 

Sporum, esperun. See Glossary of Architecture, v. Spur. g See Chap. V. 


comfort of rooms in the time of Henry the Third ; at least 
the writer has sought in vain for mention of such a mode 
of decoration. Fine cloths and tapestries were used in 
abundance to deck churches on solemn festivals, and also 
to set off the exterior of houses on great occasions, when 
the streets are described by the old writers to have been 
well curtained {bene cortinat^) ; but they do not seem to 
have been applied, at least generally, to private rooms ; 
except, perhaps, over doorways, when curtains of ordi- 
nary material were used. 

It is a matter of question whether the " arras" so often 
spoken of as employed for hangings, was an article manu- 
factured in the thirteenth century ; but more will be said 
on this subject when we come to speak of furniture. 

The flooring of rooms on the ground story was sometimes 
boarded, but there is little doubt it was in general nothing 
more than the natural soil well rammed down, over which 
litter was strewn. There is a writ of Henry the Third 
ordering a room on the ground-floor in Windsor castle to 
be " boarded like a ship." Upper rooms were in general 
floored with wood. It was not until the middle of the 
reign of Henry the Third that paving tiles seem to have 
been applied to domestic buildings ; and even then they do 
not appear to have been of a decorated character; apart- 
ments in the royal manor-houses are directed to be paved 
with flat-tile {plana teguld). Towards the close of this 
reign ornamental tiles are first mentioned {tegulce pictcz), 
but they were not extensively used. That large halls were 
not generally provided with wooden floors, except at the 
dais, is sufficiently clear from an expression which some- 
times occurs that "the tables were fixed in the ground." 

h As on the occasion of the entry into nobilissime aturnata et acurtinata." Li- 
London of Prince Edward and his con- ber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 22. The 
sort Eleanor of Castile, in 1255, when a legal reader will at once understand the 
chronicler says, " civitate Londoniarum meaning of " aturnata." 



The space below the dais was sometimes called the 
"marsh" of the hall 1 ; and it was, doubtless, often damp 
and dirty enough to deserve the name. An idea of its 
condition, even in a royal residence, may be gathered from 
an order to widen the doorway of the hall at Win- 
chester to admit the entrance of carts. On all points, 
however, relating to the internal finish of ordinary do- 
mestic habitations, it must be confessed we are quite in 
the dark ; the only positive information now accessible 
relating exclusively to the royal dwellings ; but if, as 
is most certain, wainscoting and wooden floors were com- 
monly used in them, it is an obvious inference that such 
conveniencies must have been within the reach of the 
wealthier classes of the community. 

At the close of this century we find a novel appendage 
to some of the king's houses, viz. baths. Edward the First 
probably brought the idea of them from the East, or they 
were a luxury which might have been introduced, among 
other novelties, by his Castilian consort. There were 
baths at Ledes castle in Kent k , and at the royal manor of 
Geddington in Northamptonshire. 

In concluding these notices of the various parts and 
fittings of houses during this period, it is worthy of re- 
mark that camera private, or privy chambers, appear to 
have had much attention paid to their construction. We 
have seen 1 that they were a subject of public care in the 
preceding century j and it is agreeable to think that consi- 
derations of comfort and decency were equally regarded, 
and indeed more so, in the times of Henry the Third, and 
his son and successor. It was during Henry's reign also 
that perhaps the first attempt at underground drainage was 

" Et in marisco in aula j. tabula cum 
trestellis, precii xij. d." Rot. de terris 
Templariorum (1.) A.D. 1308-9. 

k Accounts of the executors of Elea- 

nor of Castile ; p. 97. Baths are men- 
tioned in the household roll of the coun- 
tess of Leicester, p. 8. 
1 See p. 27, ante. 


made. The refuse and dirty water from the royal kitchens 
had long been carried through the great hall at West- 
minster, until, according to the language of the king's 
writ, the foul odours arising therefrom, seriously affected 
the health of persons congregating at court ; to remedy 
this evil, a subterranean conduit was devised, which con- 
veyed these offensive matters into the Thames™. Indeed 
if a complete collection were made of all the sanitary regu- 
lations and provisions issued in the times of Henry and 
Edward the First, it would be found that we have not 
made any great advance on the notions then prevalent 
respecting public nuisances. 

It was in the thirteenth century that a conduit of water 
was first established in London ; the earliest was probably 
made by the monks of Westminster, and the precincts 
of the abbey are to this day supplied from the original 
sources. The next was constructed by the citizens of 
London. Henry had water conveyed, under ground, to his 
palace at Westminster, especially to his lavatory ; his con- 
duit may have communicated with that of the monks. The 
king granted as an especial favour to Edward Fitz-Otho, 
architect of the abbey, who had lodgings in the palace at 
Westminster, that he might have a pipe, of the size of 
a quill, to convey water from the royal conduit to his own 
quarters. Before, and after, the establishment of a con- 
duit, water was hawked about the streets of London, as it 
still is, in some suburban districts, by " water-carriers/ ' 
(aqua-portarii,) who appear to have formed a considerable 
body in the twelfth century ; their names frequently occur 
as witnesses of deeds in the thirteenth. The ordinary re- 
sources of the citizens, when distant from the river, were 
wells. The few Coroner's Rolls of this date remaining in 
the possession of the corporation of London, shew that 

m See the document in Chapter V. 



many fatal accidents happened in attempting to cleanse 

Little can be said of houses in towns during this 
century, beyond what has been observed at the end of 
Chapter I. No examples are known to remain in England 
to assist us in forming an opinion of their character n ; but it 
may be confidently affirmed, on the authority of many con- 
temporary conveyances and agreements, relating to house- 
property in London, that they continued to bear the same 
features which distinguished them in the twelfth century. 
That they were still of low elevation, seldom, if ever, 
exceeding two stories, including the basement, is clear from 
the words of Matthew Paris, who describing the visit of 
Henry the Third to Paris, in 1254, says : 

" And when the Lord King of England had passed 
through the street which is named La Greve, and afterwards 
the street towards St. Germain Antin, and then the great 
bridge, he observed the beauty of the houses which are 
built of gypsum, or plaster, in the city of Paris, and houses 
containing three chambers, and some even of four stories or 
more, from the windows of which stretched forth a count- 
less multitude of people of both sexes ." 

From this it is apparent that Henry admired features 
in the street architecture of Paris which were wanting in 
his own capital. No deeds of the time that have as yet 
fallen under the writer's notice, indicate houses of a greater 

n There is a fragment of a house of 
this date in Newgate, York, which will 
be noticed hereafter. An engraving of it 
is given among the illustrations. 

M. Paris, p. 900, ed. 1640. Cham- 
bres d'estage, {camera ad estagiam,) it is 
presumed, must be understood ; that is, 
houses of several stories. The sense of the 
passage, however, will be best under- 
stood by quoting the language of the 
writer: — "Et cum pertransisset domi- 

nus Rex Anglice vicum, qui dicitur 
Greva, et postea vicum versus S. Ger- 
manum Antissiodorensem, postea mag- 
num pontem, consideravit elegantiam 
domorum, qua3 de gipso, videlicet pla- 
stro, hunt in civitate Parisiaca, et man- 
si ones tricameratas, et quatuor etiam 
stationum, vel amplius, a quorum fe- 
nestris projacebat utriusque sexus ho- 
minum infinita multitudo." 


elevation than two stories ; shops were mere covered sheds 
projecting in front of the dwellings 1 *, though sometimes 
there were solars above the shops. The inferiority of 
London at this period in street architecture to Paris, and 
other continental towns, is, perhaps, attributable to the 
fact that ground was more valuable in foreign cities ; 
where, in order to find accommodation for the inhabitants 
within the strictly fortified enceinte, it became absolutely 
necessary to carry houses to the height of three or more 
stories ; examples of several of this date are yet to be 
seen at Cologne, Coblentz, Treves, Nuremberg, and Ratis- 
bon. On the other hand, we have no proof that all foreign 
street architecture was on an equally large scale with the 
remains alluded to ; indeed the probability is that it was 
not, and that the poorer orders in continental towns were 
lodged in tenements fully as humble as any that were to 
be found in London at the same time. London, however, 
in the thirteenth century, had one decided superiority over 
most foreign towns, and especially over Paris ; its streets 
were partially supplied with foot-pavements. The ordi- 
nances regulating the paviours of London date as early as 
the time of Edward the First, and fix the prices per yard 
at which their work was to be executed ; and not many 
years elapsed before it was rendered compulsory on every 
householder to pave the space before his own door, even 
as far as Westminster. 

We may now proceed to make a few observations on the 
furniture of houses during the period under consideration. 

The furniture of a hall was limited to tables, either fixed, 
or dormant, as they were termed, or resting on trestles ; 

p Thus in 1236 the executors of the 
will of a citizen of London demise " two 
shops which are in front of the stone 
house * * * together with the cellar 
under the same stone house * * * with 

the free light of the same cellar, to- 
wards the south, through the iron-harred 
window, without any obstruction or hin- 
derance of light." — Box D. London 
deeds. Chapter House, Westm. 





BED IN A 'J isiN r. 
MS. ARCH A. 154. BODL. 




those of the latter description being removed when not 
in use ; hence the phrase, <£ to take up the borde's end," 
which continued in use until a comparatively late date. 

In these early times there were no " emporiums" of fur- 
niture ; every article needed was made on the spot by a 
carpenter. Among the accounts relative to the king's hall 
at Portsmouth, in the time of Richard the First, are pay- 
ments to carpenters for sawing trunks of trees, and shaping 
the planks into tables p . Sixty years later no improvement 
had taken place in the mode of furnishing the royal houses. 
In 1249 Henry the Third sent a writ to one of his bailiffs 
directing him to obtain, by gift, or purchase, a great beech 
tree, to be converted into tables for the king's kitchens, 
at Westminster, against Easter-tide. It was to be sent 
immediately by water to London q . 

The seats provided were benches or forms. In royal halls 
the king's seat {solium regale) was often of stone, elaborately 
decorated with painting and gilding, and was in the centre 
of a stone bench which extended from one side of the dais 
to the other ; but besides this seat the king sometimes had 
one at the high table, which would appear to have been 
moveable r , though that is not quite clear ; beyond these 
appliances the hall seems to have been destitute of other 

In the writs of the time of Henry the Third ordering 
furniture for his private apartments, we find that forms, 
chairs, and tables are named ; the chairs seem in gene- 
ral to have been fixtures ; though one instance occurs of a 
moveable chair being mentioned {cathedra mobilis). The 
forms are directed to be placed around the rooms. It 
would seem from these documents that in their respective 
apartments the king and queen sat in great state and stiff- 

p Rot Pip., 5 Ric. I. i Liberate Roll, 36 Hen. III. See Chap. V. 

* Liberate, 34 Hen. III. in Chapter V. 



ness with their attendants arranged on low benches. One 
moveable chair of the latter end of this century has been 
preserved, viz. that called the coronation chair in West- 
minster abbey. It is elaborately carved with an architec- 
tural design, and is supported on four lions, which seem 
to be late additions. The panels of this seat were once 
lined with a ground of gypsum, diapered and gilded, 
traces of which are still discernible ; an engraving of it is 
given among the illustrations of this volume. 

Carpets were first introduced into England in this cen- 
tury by Eleanor of Castile and the Spanish ambassadors 
who preceded her arrival. Matthew Paris narrates the in- 
dignation of the Londoners at seeing the youthful arch- 
bishop-elect of Toledo riding in state, wearing a ring on 
his thumb, and bestowing his benediction on the people ; 
" they remarked that the manners (of the Spaniards) were 
utterly at variance with English customs and habits ; that 
while the walls of their lodgings in the Temple were hung 
with silk and tapestry, and the very floors covered with 
costly carpets, their retinue was vulgar and disorderly ; 
that they had few horses and many mules s ." Again, w r hen 
Eleanor arrived at Westminster she found her apart ments 
adorned, through the care of the ambassadors who had 
preceded her, with costly hangings, like a churchy and car- 
peted, after the Spanish fashion 1 . 

It does not appear, however, that carpets were generally 
used even in royal houses before the fourteenth century. It 
should be remarked that some sort of carpet- stuff or tapestry 
was made in England before this time ; the carpets (tapetce) of 
Ramsey in Huntingdonshire were long in request, but only, 
it is believed, as decorations for churches. This brings us 
to the question — were hangings used in rooms at this date ? 
It is probable they were not ; at least no evidence of the 

8 M. Paris, p. 782. ' Ibid., p. 783. 






fact is to be gleaned from contemporary records. It has 
been much the fashion to talk and write of figured " arras" 
as having been employed at an early time for the decoration 
of rooms ; that some sort of drapery was used even in the 
twelfth century we know from the allusion of Necham, but 
it was, probably, only over doorways, or for the purpose of 
dividing one part of a chamber from another; it seems 
very improbable that both wainscoting and tapestry should 
have been combined. At all events they are decidedly in 
error who suppose that " arras," in the modern acceptation 
of the term, was even known at so early a period. The 
elaborately wrought tapestries of that place were not made 
until the fourteenth century, although its looms were famous 
for the production of cloths fitted for wearing-apparel and 
church vestments at least two centuries before. The most 
elaborate embroideries of the time of Henry the Third were 
all executed by the needle, and it does not appear that he 
ever commanded the execution of any such works except 
for the hangings of churches, the decoration of altars and 
tombs, and for sacerdotal vestments. For these purposes 
he chiefly employed one person, a certain Mabel of Bury 
St. Edmund's, whose skill as an embroideress seems to 
have been remarkable, and many interesting records of her 
curious performances might be collected. If tapestry or 
embroidered cloths were ever used for hangings it was 
probably only at the back of the dais, or for " dorsers," 
as they were called ; but even this is very doubtful, as we 
find that that part of the hall was generally wainscoted 
and painted. 

The term bed-chamber is not often used in the precepts 
of Henry the Third; but it does occur sometimes. As 
before remarked a portion of the private, or demesne 
chamber, seems to have been partitioned off by wains- 
coting, or a lath and plaster wall, for the reception of 


the bed : the wall at the head and sides of the bed was 
usually wainscoted. Of the character of the bed itself not 
much is known, except that the tester {testier) was cer- 
tainly in use during this century ; as the name implies 
it was provided with a canopy for the protection of the 
head ; the substruction on which the mattress lay was pro- 
bably little more than a bench". 

The mattresses of this period were often of a very ela- 
borate character; covered with rich stuffs and quilted. 
It is satisfactory to us to know, not for the importance 
of the fact itself, but as shewing how carefully our national 
records have been preserved, that the upholsterer, or mercer, 
who made mattresses "becoming a king/' for Henry the 
Third, was one William Joymer, who served the office of 
Sheriff of London in 1222 and that of Mayor in 1239 x : 
he was directed to cover the king's mattresses with silk, 
velvet, and other costly and fitting materials 5 ". Pillows 
(culcitra) and bolsters 2 were equally rich in character. 

The use of linen sheets (lint/ieamina) was common ; as 
also that of the counterpane {courtepointe) . The use of 
sheets, indeed, was not peculiar to the wealthy : in the in- 
ventory of the effects of a small farmer made in the year 
1293 we find that he died possessed of a bolster worth 2d. 
and a rug and two sheets value 10^. The curious reader 
may be referred to the assessment of a 1 5th of the moveable 
goods of the inhabitants of Colchester, in the 29th of Ed- 
ward the First, as affording proof of the comparative 
abundance of linen among the middling and lower classes 
at this time a . "While on the subject of linen it may be re- 
marked that enormous quantities of it were used in this 
century for the royal "napery." It seems to have been 

u "Bancus ad lectum Regis." See 
Chap. V. 

* Liber de Antiquis Legibus, pp. 5 — 7. 

y Liberate, 10 Hen. III. 

z Known then by the same name. 

a Rolls of Parliament, vol. i. p. 243. 



manufactured chiefly in the south-western counties. Thus 
in the eleventh year of the reign of Henry the Third the 
bailiffs of Wilton were ordered to purchase, for the king's 
use, five hundred ells of fine linen for table-cloths, and the 
like quantity of a coarser description for the same purpose, 
it appears that they bought only eight hundred ells, which 
cost £12. bs. lOd. ; and the expense of conveying it to 
London was 3s. 4>d. b From the large quantities of linen 
used in this way it seems more than probable that the 
royal tables were covered with clean cloths even when 
paupers were entertained in large numbers. 

Although a chandlery was generally attached to every 
royal residence at this time the apparatus in which candles 
were fixed does not appear to have been of an expensive 
description. Even in churches the wax-lights were some- 
times stuck in a row on a wooden beam (kercia) fitted with 
prickets, also of wood. There are several writs of Henry 
directing iron branches [candelabra) to be attached to the 
piers of his halls at Oxford, Winchester, and other places ; 
a candlestick for his private chamber cost no more than 
Sd. Although large quantities of plate in the shape 
of cups, ewers, basons, and dishes were heaped up in the 
royal wardrobe, the use of silver candlesticks does not 
appear to have prevailed to any extent even in the royal 
apartments : they were often made by the king's direction 
in order to be presented to churches ; but so far as the 
evidence of contemporary records goes such valuable orna- 
ments were rarely used for secular purposes. 

The furniture of the dining-table in this century was of 
a scanty character : the huge salt was the chief ornament 
of the board ; and on the royal table the goblets and plates 
and dishes were of silver, often gilt and enamelled ; though 
in ordinary houses wooden bowls and trenchers only were 

b Liberate, 11 Hen. III. m. 4. 


used. Earthenware, although certainly made in this cen- 
tury in the form of pitchers and jugs, does not seem to 
have been applied to the fabrication of plates or dishes ; 
probably the earliest instance of the use of the latter may 
be ascribed to the reign of Edward the First, when certain 
dishes and plates of earthenware were purchased from the 
cargo of a great ship which came from Spain, and which 
among other novelties brought the first oranges which are 
known to have been introduced into England. 

Some exotic materials also were used at this period for 
making drinking vessels. The cocoa-nut of the East (nux 
de India) had already been imported into the far north and 
was a favourite substance whereof to form goblets ; Henry 
the Third had three cups made of this nut, one of which 
was valued at £2. 9s. c He had also a gourd mounted in 
silver and set with precious stones, which was valued at 
the high price of £10. 17s. 6d. ; and a glass cup set in 
silver, another of crystal, and one of alabaster d ; drinking 
cups were also made of what was called marble, probably 
agate. In the inventory of the property of Benedict, a Jew 
of Bristol, who was hanged, for clipping one " ciphus mar- 
moreus" is named 6 . The horns of the buffalo (babalus) and 
teeth of the walrus were likewise in use for potable purposes. 

Notwithstanding the popular belief that forks were first 
introduced at the English dinner table in the seventeenth 
century, a supposition which may be said to rest on no bet- 
ter authority than Mr. Thomas Cory at " his crudities," it is 
certain they were in use at the royal table towards the close 
of the thirteenth century. Among the valuables found in 
the wardrobe of Edward the First after his death at Burgh- 
on-the-Sands in 1307, were six silver forks and one of 
goid f . This fact, however, proves little more than that 

c Wardrobe Account, 55 Hen. III. e Rot. Pip., 7 Edw. I. 

d Ibid. f "Item, vj. furchetti argentei et j. 



ARCH A. 154. BODL. 



forks were known at an early period ; it is very certain 
that they were not in common use. The fingers and knives 
of folks served for many centuries afterwards to enable 
them to eat their several meals. Meat was at this period 
often brought to table on a spit and served round by the 
attendants when each guest as he pleased cut a portion 
with his knife. This fashion of serving is shewn on the 
Bayeux tapestry and in numerous illuminations of a later 
date. Among princes and nobles these spits were usually 
formed of silver ; Henry the Third had one of gold in 
which a "serpent's tongue" (lingua serpentina*) was set; 
in other words a shark's tooth, for so naturalists have 
named those singular fossils which for many centuries were 
brought by pilgrims from Malta, the supposed site of the 
shipwreck of St. Paul, under the belief that they were the 
petrified tongues of vipers and possessed of talismanic pro- 
perties. The knives used at meals by the wealthier classes 
at this time had frequently handles of silver enamelled, or 
of agate or crystal. 

Spoons were common enough and must have often 
served in place of forks ; indeed the number of spoons, 
often of silver, owned by persons in the middle rank 
of life at this time, is rather extraordinary. Benedict the 
Bristol Jew, to whose effects reference has been already 
made, possessed one hundred and forty-one silver spoons, 
valued at £70. 7 s. l\d. They may have been pawned. 

It should have been observed when remarking on the 
forms on which people sat that they were often covered 
with mats (nata) made of osiers ; even in the royal 
houses 11 ; and in the royal chapels the same materials 
were placed under the feet to protect them from the cold 

furchettus de auro." Proceedings of the serpentina ponderis v.s." Wardrobe 
Record Commissioners, p. 552. Account, 55 Hen. III. 

s " Et de una brochia auri cum lingua h See Chap. V. 


of the tile pavement ; the origin of our present hassocks : 
at a later period, though not much later, these mats for 
forms gave way to a cushion (quissina). 

The sort of furniture which we have been describing as 
common in the thirteenth century was common only to the 
rich. If from the palaces of royalty or the dwellings of 
nobles and merchants we descend to the hut of the farmer 
or labourer, we find but the barest necessaries; his bed 
was in all probability his form or settle during the day, 
and an iron tripod or trivet with a brass dish, formed the 
ordinary cooking apparatus of the peasant, while he ate from 
wooden bowls with a spoon of the same material. His 
meat was cut on the square trencher board, not yet quite 
out of use either in collegiate hall or moorland hovel : the 
inventory of Reginald Labbe a small farmer who died in 
1293, affords a fair illustration of the "householde stuffe" 
of people in his class of life 1 . 

Having told as much as can be stated with any degree 
of certainty respecting the internal decoration and furniture 
of houses in the thirteenth century ; we may now turn to 
another subject without some elucidation of which the 
present chapter would be obviously imperfect. The general 
state of the country at this period, as in earlier and later 
times, directly influenced the forms and details of Domestic 
Architecture ; it is therefore essential that a few observa- 
tions should be made respecting the more prominent social 
statistics of England in the thirteenth century, which was 
essentially a period of transition, and indeed of progress. 
Had this work been limited to a dry technical description 
of the remains of English civil architecture in early times, 
such a digression might have been out of place, but as it 
has taken a somewhat wider range of enquiry, the follow- 
ing observations naturally form part of the subject. 

' Archaeological Journal, vol. iii. p. 65. 



First as to the general aspect of the country. Taking 
the middle of the century as a starting point, there can 
be no doubt that an immense portion of the kingdom was 
then covered by wood. The forests mentioned in Domes- 
day, exclusive of the new Forest, are only four in number, 
viz., Windsor, in Berks ; Gravelinges, Wilts ; Wimborne, 
Dorset ; and Which wood, Oxon. It is possible, however, 
that there were numerous woods, scarcely entitled to the 
designation of forests, which were not recorded by the 
Conqueror's commissioners. Except on this supposition 
it is difficult to account for the fact that in the year 1250 
the forests and woods in England, directly or indirectly 
under the control of the crown, amounted to more than 
seventy k ; while there were numerous other woodlands 
in private hands. Some influence on the increase of the 
crown forests may be justly attributed to the forest and 
game laws introduced under the Norman rule, but those 
laws seem insufficient to account for so great a dispro- 
portion between the number of forests in the thirteenth 
as compared with the end of the eleventh century. 

There was one or more of these forests or woods in 
every county in England ; they abounded in game of all 
descriptions, and wolves were by no means uncommon. 
At the close of the reign of Henry the Third there were 
wild cattle in the wood of Osterley in Middlesex, then, as 
in after times, the property of a London citizen \ To these 
woods resorted moreover all lawless men, fugitive villans, 
and persons of the like description who preyed at will on 
passing travellers. About this time the abbats of St. Alban's 
retained certain armed men to keep the road between that 

k Spelman gives a list of the ancient Patent Rolls. Many haia, or small en- 
English forests, in his Glossarium, but closed woods, are named in Domesday, 
it is very incomplete. The statement 1 It then belonged to the family of 
above is made on the authority of a Gizors, eminent London merchants, 
careful examination of the Close and Placita coram Rege. 



town and the metropolis, which lay for the most part 
through woods m . The great high roads of the kingdom, 
mostly following the direction of the old Roman ways, the 
Athelinge, or Watling-street, and others, necessarily passed 
in places through the midst of these forests, as did the 
highways which connected one market town with another. 
Notwithstanding the obvious insecurity to travellers and 
traffic arising from the neighbourhood of woods to the 
main roads it was not until the year 1285 that strin- 
gent measures were adopted to remedy the evil. It was 
then enacted, by statute, that the highways leading from 
one market town to another should be widened, so that 
there might be no bushes, woods, or dikes within two 
hundred feet on each side of the road ; and those pro- 
prietors who refused to cut down underwoods abutting on 
high-roads were to be held responsible for all felonies that 
might be committed by persons lurking in their covert i 
even the boundaries of parks when they approached too 
closely to high-roads were to be set further back 11 . A 
good illustration of the insecurity of travelling for merchants 
in the early part of this century is given by Matthew Paris, 
who relates the punishment inflicted on certain retainers 
of the court of Henry the Third for robbing traders on 
their way to the great fair at Winchester. Indeed Hamp- 
shire was notorious for its bands of free-booters, and in the 
reign of John the legate Pandulf had addressed the 
bishop of Winchester on the subject, saying, " that no one 
could travel through the neighbourhood of Winchester 
without being captured or robbed, and what was most 
cruel, robbery was not considered sufficient but people 
were slain /' The wooded pass of Alton on the borders 

m M. Paris. 

n Statute of Winton, 13 Edward I. 
" Clamor pauperum et mulierum 

vos, et specialiter te dornine episcope, 
movere deberet, quod nemo potest per 
partes Wintoniae pergere quin capiatur, 


of Surrey and Hampshire, which was not dis-afforested 
until the end of Henry's reign, was a favourite ambush for 
outlaws, who there awaited the merchants and their trains 
of sumpter-horses travelling to or from Winchester • even 
in the fourteenth century the wardens of the great fair of 
St. Giles held in that city paid five mounted sergeants at 
arms, to keep the pass of Alton during the continuance of 
the fair, " according to custom p ." The cultivated districts 
of the country were of necessity intersected and surrounded 
by the woodlands, and therefore not only manors but farm 
houses were protected, the former by their crenellated 
inclosure walls, and the latter by hedges and dikes, or 
motes. The manor-house of the thirteenth century was 
fortified not so much for the purpose of securing the 
owner against his neighbours as from a precaution against 
roving thieves. 

While vast districts of the country were covered with 
forests, other wide parts were mere fen and morass ; 
some of which, as the district of Holland in Lincolnshire, 
had become so within the memory of man. Efforts were 
made at an early time by the several ecclesiastical corpora- 
tions, which owned the greater part of the fen-districts, to 
drain off the waters and bring the land under tillage ; and 
partial improvements in this respect were effected by the 
monks of Ely in Cambridgeshire, and by the brethren of 
Croyland in Lincoln. Still but little general effect had 
been produced in the aspect of the fen -countries, which 
were chiefly valuable for the supplies they yielded of eels 
and water-fowl ; of the latter many sorts long since extinct 
in England, as cranes and storks, were plentiful in the 

spolietur, et, quod crudelissimum est, 
bona non sufficiunt nisi persone homi- 
num occidantur." PandulPs Letters; 
in the Tower; Misc. No. 371. 

p Comp. Ferise S. Egidii Winton ; 
17 Edw. II. Chapter House, West- 


marsh lands of the eastern counties, and were favourite 
articles of food in this and the following century. 

The roads throughout the country appear to have been 
kept in some sort of order by the respective townships ; 
and for the support of the few bridges then in existence, 
a duty called pontage was levied, which fell heaviest 
upon the agriculturalists and merchants, as most of the 
clergy and their tenants were exempt from pontage and 
other tolls of a like description. It does not appear, 
however, that any compulsory labour, like the French 
corvee, was in force in England for the repair of roads and 
bridges; when the great north road into London, which 
in this century passed through Gray's Inn Lane, was found 
to be nearly impassable from ruts and mud, the citizens of 
London were authorized to levy a toll on the traffic along 
it to pay the expense of restoring the highway q ; and 
such appears to have been the system generally adopted 
in other parts of the kingdom. 

The principal towns and cities of England at this period 
were generally protected by walls and gates, the latter 
being closed from sunset to sunrise ; during which time a 
watch was kept, the number of which was in proportion to 
the population of the town. No persons were permitted 
to lodge in the suburbs of a town unless they could find 
" hosts" who would be security for their good conduct. 
It may be observed, however, that it is doubtful whether 
many English towns were fortified with walls at an earlier 
time than this century ; it appears probable they were not, 
from the numerous charters to corporations to enable them 
to levy tolls for the purpose of erecting town walls. It is 
certain that many towns were not entirely surrounded by 
walls until the time of Edward the First. In the begin- 
ning of the reign of Henry the Third the citizens of Here- 

« Pat. Edw. I. 



forcl had a grant of a quantity of thorns and wood from 
one of the king's forests, to be applied to the enclosure 
of their city, where walls were wanting 1 '. As it was one 
of the march towns liable to predatory inroads of Welsh, 
this seems to have been a very primitive method of fortify- 
ing it ; but it is worthy of remark that many of the border 
towns, both in the North and the West, were imperfectly 
protected by fortifications until the fourteenth century. 

When, however, a town had been fairly surrounded with 
a wall it appears to have been generally kept in good 
repair, and jealously protected from every sort of encroach- 
ment on its integrity. In this century the monks of Win- 
chester, whose close adjoined the town wall of that city, 
petitioned for license to make a tunnel under the wall 
that they might recreate themselves with greater conve- 
nience in an outlying meadow. The Carmelite brethren 
of Northampton having applied to Edward the First in 
1278 for leave to enclose a portion of the town wall in 
their close there, and to block up its crenelles, a jury was 
impanelled to try what damage would ensue if such li- 
cense were granted. As the verdict returned is curious it 
is here subjoined : the jurors found " that it would be to 
the damage and nuisance of the town of Northampton if 
the wall should be enclosed and its crenelles blocked up, 
and for these reasons ; because the burgesses of the town 
aforesaid, and especially those who are sick, often walking 
on the wall from one gate to another to take the air, would 
not be able to walk about as they were accustomed ; and 
that in the winter time they would not be able to go along 
the walls from one gate to another, instead of in the 
noisome and muddy way under the wall, between the wall 
and the place of the brethren of Mount Carmel. They 
also say that there is another cause of hindrance because 
the watchmen who watch by night in Northampton go 

r Rot. Claus. 7 and 8 Hen. III., m. 2 and 9. 


their rounds on the wall, to watch through the crenelles 
for malefactors entering into or going forth of the aforesaid 
town; and if that wall should be enclosed and those 
crenelles blocked up in the manner specified in the writ, 
no one could in that part watch for evil-doers, or prevent 
their misdeeds and stratagems as should be done s ." In 
addition to the precaution of setting a night watch in 
towns, the curfew was generally rung at nine in the even- 
ing, after which no one was to walk abroad, and all drink- 
ing houses were to be closed \ 

The road-way of the streets in towns was kept in repair 
either by pavage rates, or the proceeds of a toll levied at the 
gates on all wains or carts ; which was called " wainage" 
or " wheelage," a toll which is still taken under one or the 
other name in some old towns in England. 

The most considerable cities and towns of England 
were, after the metropolis, Winchester, York, Lincoln, and 
those places in which the great periodical fairs were held, as 
Boston, St. Ives, Lynn, and Stamford. Of the sea-ports 
then of importance several have since fallen into decay, as 
the Cinque-Ports, Dunwich and others. Southampton was 
then, as now, a thriving place, and the harbour most 
frequented by merchant vessels from the south of Europe 11 . 
At this time many towns which are now among the greatest 
in England were just rising into notice, as regards trade ; 
Yarmouth was the staple-market of the herring fishery ; 
and the burgesses of Newcastle-on-Tyne were beginning to 
gain some advantages from the great coal field surrounding 
them. The population of even the most considerable towns 
was very scanty; it is probable that that of London was 
under 2 0,000 v , and all others in proportion : in the four- 

8 Inquis. 6 Edward I. No. 79. notes to the History of the Middle Ages, 

Stat. Civit. London, 1285. estimates it at 40,000, but the author is 

u See p. 32 ante. reluctantly obliged to differ from this 

Mr. Hallam, in his supplementary statement. 


teenth century the whole number of the inhabitants of 
Lincoln who contributed to an assessment of ninths was 
less than 80 X . The close of the thirteenth century wit- 
nessed the expulsion of all Jews from England 7 ; an event 
which must have very considerably reduced the population 
of most towns in England, certainly of all of importance. 

The best method, however, of forming an idea of the 
internal condition of English towns at this period will be 
to enquire into the state of the two chief cities, London 
and Winchester ; and first, in order as in place, to take 
the capital. 

We know very little of the condition or franchises of 
the citizens of London in Saxon times, or during the first 
century after the Conquest ; in short it is uncertain whe- 
ther the sheriffs of the city before the year 1188 were 
royal bailiffs, or officers elected by the commonalty. The 
earliest evidences of the privileges possessed by the mu- 
nicipality, are to be found in the charters of liberties granted 
by Henry the Eirst, Richard the Eirst, by John, and by 
Henry the Third. We do know, at the same time, from 
records of the thirteenth century still remaining, that how- 
ever valuable the liberties conceded by those sovereigns 
may have been, theoretically considered, they were rendered 
in a great degree useless by a state of things within the 
walls of the city, the origin of which is to be sought in 
times of which we have no trustworthy memorials. 

Whoever will take the trouble to examine an old map of 
London, that of Aggas for example, cannot fail to remark 
how small a space was included by the walls or boundaries 
of the city proper ; from Ludgate to Aldgate, as from west to 
east ; and from London Wall to the Thames, as from north 
to south ; of course there were outlying liberties within 
the jurisdiction of the city, as the whole of Eleet Street, 

Inquis. Nonarum, temp. Edw. III. y It took place in 1290, 


which in the thirteenth century was tenanted chiefly by 
ale-wives and felt hat makers. Yet small as was the extent 
of the city within the walls, at the beginning of this cen- 
tury it was divided into a number of separate jurisdic- 
tions called sokes, the owners of which possessed powers 
independent of the corporate officers ; powers which ge- 
nerally extended to life and limb, and which were enjoyed 
by virtue of grants from the crown or by immemorial 
usage. By the charter of Henry the First, the earliest 
document which throws any light on the privileges of the 
city, the possession of these sokes was guaranteed to the 
several owners of them ; they were to hold " their socs in 
peace, so that no guest tarrying in any soc, shall pay 
custom to any other than him to whom the soc belongs." 
These London sokes were heritable estates and could be 
alienated by sale. The officers of the corporation could 
not execute any process within their limits, the boundaries 
of which were jealously maintained by their respective 
owners, and unwillingly respected by the city authorities. 
Such as were tenants of these sokes performed suit and 
service at their several courts, and each soke had its reeve 
or chief bailiff. Thus the whole of Cornhill was a soke 
belonging to the bishops of London who had therein a 
seignorial oven in which all the tenants were obliged 
to bake their bread and pay furnage dues. At the 
beginning of the reign of Henry the Third there were 
not less than thirty of these sokes within the walls of 
ancient London ; and there were upwards of twenty in the 
time of Edward the First, after which period they gradually 
declined in number, till by the end of the fourteenth cen- 
tury it is probable that none remained excepting those 
which were the property of the Church. 

Regarding the sokes as distinct from the wards of Lon- 
don, which they undoubtedly were, and bearing in mind 




their independent character, it is obvious that the occasions 
on which the rights exercised by their respective lords 
would trench upon the franchise collectively enjoyed by the 
citizens must have been both many and frequent. The 
owner of a soke could protect fugitive malefactors, harbour 
foreign traders, who were alw T ays viewed with great jealousy 
by the civic merchants ; and the criminal jurisdiction be- 
longing to him, involving the forfeitures of felons 2 , a most 
important consideration in the days to which we are now 
referring, was directly opposed to similar functions which 
had been conceded to the body corporate by the charter of 
Henry the First. Superadded to this antagonism of indi- 
vidual and municipal rights was another remarkable and 
anomalous feature : as no other qualification than residence 
as a householder seems to have been required, in the thir- 
teenth century, to confer a right to the civic franchise, no 
qualification whatever being mentioned in the early char- 
ters, it followed that the lords and tenants of these sokes 
within the walls and liberties were nevertheless free citi- 
zens having individually a voice in municipal affairs, al- 
though legally and territorially exempt from municipal 

It is clear that betw r een the conflicting jurisdictions of 
the corporation and the several soke-lords, there must have 
been great difficulty in maintaining any kind of effective 
police in the metropolis. In the reign of Edward the 
First the dean and chapter of St. Paul's obtained a license 
to surround their church and precincts with a stone wall, 
to protect themselves from malefactors a , while about the 
same time the canons of St. Martin le Grand, not daring 
to cross the road to their collegiate church, obtained per- 

z Placita de Quo Warranto ; tit. Lon- printed in the Archaeological Journal, 
don. This subject has been already vol. iv. 
noticed by the author in an article a Pat. 13 Edward I. 



mission to build a wooden gallery, or bridge, to connect 
their lodgings with the church tower. 

Of the general character of the houses in London, the 
reader will have been enabled to form an idea from pre- 
ceding remarks. In the principal thoroughfares, it is evi- 
dent there was some kind of foot-pavement, though the 
road-wayappears to have been frequently left to its chance ; 
and the streets leading down to the river, which offered the 
means of a natural drainage from the upper and more level 
parts of the city, had usually open drains flowing through 
them ; the effect of which was to maintain them in a con- 
tinual state of mud. 

We have already incidently referred to the probable 
numbers of the population of London at this time, stating 
that it was under 20,000 ; and that is adopting a rather 
high standard ; but in truth the materials to enable us 
to form an accurate estimate do not exist. Were we to 
believe the rhetorical nourishes of contemporary annalists, it 
would appear that the city could send almost that number 
of armed men into the field : in those times, however, 
numbers were not counted, and any considerable mob was 
set down as an " innumerable host/' We do know pretty 
nearly what the population was in the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries, and may reasonably infer how small it 
must have been at earlier periods. In the year 1547 the 
population of the large parish of St. Andrew, Holborn, the 
greatest within the liberties of the city, was only 1000 b . 

The followers of the various trades exercised in London 
in the thirteenth century occupied distinct quarters by 
themselves. Thus the gold-smiths lived in one part of 
Chepe, the smiths in another, and in Ironmonger lane, 
while the " candle-wrichtes" had a street which gave 

b Madox's Collections, vol. xlix. Add, MSS. Brit. Mus. 



name to the ward of " Candlewick." This custom of vari- 
ous crafts confining themselves to particular quarters, which 
appears to be of remote antiquity, and is not yet entirely 
abandoned in foreign cities, facilitated the formation and 
government of trade-guilds, which were established for 
mutual protection at a very early time, and were in fact 
the origin of the modern city companies. Merchants and 
those who adventured on the deep-sea, or " oultre-mer" 
traffick, lived in the streets immediately adjacent to the 
river, their cogs and barques lying at the wharves of Thames 
street, which were mostly known in the thirteenth cen- 
tury by the names they still bear, as indeed some of them 
were in Saxon times, when they were termed " stationes 
navium c ." 

The usual place of assembly for the citizens was Paul's 
Cross ; there the folk-motes were held, summoned by the 
tolling of the great bell of the Cathedral ; and at that 
spot whenever Edward the First was about to visit his 
foreign dominions he took leave of the Londoners, exhorting 
them, from wooden hustings run up for the occasion, to 
keep the peace during his absence. 

In conclusion, as to the appearance of the city, we 
shall not, perhaps, be far wrong in assuming that it 
presented the aspect of a mass of low whitewashed tene- 
ments ; the plasterer's brush appears to have been un- 
sparingly employed to give a cleanly exterior to the dwell- 
ings of the Londoners ; and one of the earliest objections 
raised by the citizens against the use of sea-borne coal 
for fuel, was, that the smoke from it blackened the white 
walls of their buildings. 

Such in a few words was the general condition of London 
in the thirteenth century ; and we shall now proceed to 
enquire into that of Winchester, which was long a formid- 

c See Kemble's Cod. Dip. Anglo-Sax. passim. 


able commercial rival of the metropolis. Its vicinity to the 
port of Southampton, through which almost all the trade 
with the south of Europe and the East was carried on 
in early times,, rendered it a great depot of the most costly 
foreign merchandize, while its great fair held yearly on 
the festival of St. Giles, and twenty-three following days, 
attracted merchants from every part of Europe ; perhaps 
the fair of Beaucaire in Languedoc was its only rival for 
several centuries. The great hill or mount of St. Giles 
overlooking the town, on which earl Waltheof is said to 
have been executed by order of the Conqueror, was in the 
thirteenth century covered with stone shops or stalls, some 
belonging to the crown, and many to the bishop, who was 
the lord of the fair and received most of the rents and all 
tolls arising from it. But the district occupied by the fixed 
temporary buildings for the fair was held quite distinct 
from the city. The latter consisted, in this century, of 
about twenty streets d ; and from the names of a few of them, 
as also of the stall-rows which have been preserved, we are 
enabled to gather some notion of the commercial activity of 
the ancient Saxon capital. 

On the hill there was the French street ; the stalls of the 
men of Caen ; the street of the Flemings ; the streets of 
the men of Nottingham and other English towns ; and 
there was also the " street in which old clothes are sold/' 
a sort of rag-fair it may be presumed; the Goldsmith ry 
was on the hill during the fair. In the town itself there 
was the High-street with its Spicery, or quarter of the Gro- 
cers ; the street where the Haberdashers sat ; the Mercery 
street ; the Drapery ; Parchment street ; the quarter of 
the Jewry ; and the respective streets of the Fullers ; 
Weavers ; Carpet-makers and Tanners 6 . Winchester in its 

d Sixteen temp. Hen. I. See Introd., e Most of these names are obtained 
p. xi. from deeds in the Register of the Priory 







present torpid condition affords scarcely any indication of 
the consequence and wealth it possessed in the thirteenth 
century, much of which, indeed, it retained until the Re- 
formation ; although its trade may be said to have re- 
ceived an irrecoverable blow when the town was sacked by 
the younger Simon de Montfort in 1265. 

Mr. Hallam estimates the population of Winchester in 
the middle ages to have been about 10,000 f ; and it is 
probable that his estimate is correct; although, as in the 
case of London, we have no means of calculating the exact 
number of its inhabitants in the thirteenth century. Still 
the ancient limits of the city are well known, and it is not 
easy to believe that a larger population could have been 
housed within them. There is no better method of testing 
the relative prosperity of the two cities than that of com- 
paring the amount of the town-duties of each at, or about, 
the same period. 

In the year 1275 the duties received in Winchester, 
including the customs of merchandize, as grain, leather, 
lead, cloths, &c, amounted to £35. lis. 6d. in four months, 
or little more than a hundred a year g . Ten years previ- 
ously the town dues of London realised in two months 
the large sum of £108. 6s. b^d. h Thus we have decisive 
proof that the old Anglo-Saxon capital was already in its 
decline. But that decline was in a great degree owing to 
the wanton injury inflicted on it by the younger Montfort. 

Besides London and Winchester there were two towns 
of great importance from their manufactures, Northampton 
and Norwich. In the reign of Henry the Third there 

of St. Denys, near Southampton, Add. 
MS. 15,314; others from the Pipe Roll 
3 Edw. I. comp. de exitibus civitatis 
Win ton. 

f Supplemental Notes — Population of 

s See Pipe Roll 3 Edw. I. before 

h Exitus Ballive London, anno 50 
Hen. III. Roll among the records 
formerly in the custody of the Queen's 


were three hundred cloth workers in the former town, 
and Norwich was celebrated for its fabrics in worsted; 
but that place laboured under the same disadvantage 
as London, inasmuch as there was an independent feudal 
jurisdiction within the city. Wherever a monastery existed 
within a great town, the foundation of it had usually pre- 
ceded the creation of the municipality j in other words, the 
religious house originated the town surrounding it. When 
the importance of the dependency could be no longer ig- 
nored, and its inhabitants acquired their franchise, they 
often found that there existed an element antagonistic to 
their commercial prosperity. The burgesses discovered that 
their charter of liberties was rendered in a great degree in- 
operative by reason of privileges granted in earlier times 
to their ecclesiastical neighbours. This was especially the 
case when the town had a river communicating with the 
sea ; for in general the monks had taken care to secure 
the sea-port itself. Thus the port of Yarmouth was vir- 
tually the property of the prior of Christ church, Nor- 
wich; and in the cathedral city itself he had a soke, or 
exempt jurisdiction, which greatly obstructed the pros- 
perity of the place, and led to constant collisions, and 
breaches of the peace, between the tenants of the prior's 
soke and the freemen 1 . The dues levied at Yarmouth 
were dictated by the prior; in Norwich he had his de- 
mesne fair, of which the profits were exclusively his own, 
and from which he could, and did, exclude the citizens, 
who in vain attempted to participate by violence. Their 
efforts were invariably unsuccessful, and they were always 
punished. The same state of things prevailed in Newcastle- 
on-Tyne ; the sea-port of which was in the hands of the 
priors of Durham and Tynemouth. 

These remarks may serve to give the reader some notion 

5 Placita Coronae 1 4- Edward I. 



of the internal economy of towns in England at this period, 
a subject on which little information is to be found in our 
general historians. 

Perhaps it will not be out of place to enquire how peo- 
ple travelled in these times ; and whether there were not 
associations to facilitate the progress of the merchant, or 
pilgrim, for a consideration, which are to be regarded as 
the prototypes of our modern stage coach partnerships? 
It would be trite to say that generally speaking every 
person who could afford to do so travelled on horseback, 
but it may be new to state that there were companies of 
" hackney-men" who provided horses for travellers at a 
fixed rate per stage. That several such associations were 
in existence in the thirteenth century there can be no 
doubt ; although unfortunately we possess direct informa- 
tion relating only to one of them. 

The road out of London which had the greatest traffic 
in these early times was undoubtedly that which led to 
Dover, the privileged sea-port of the realm, from which 
persons leaving the country were generally obliged to 
embark, in order that the crown might derive a revenue 
from the passage toll. From an ancient period this road 
had been " worked" by the hackney-men of Southwark, 
Dartford, Rochester, and other places on its line. He who, 
bent on business or pilgrimage, hired a hackney in South- 
wark, paid sixteen pence for the stage to Rochester ; the 
like sum from Rochester to Canterbury, and in proportion 
from the last named place to Dover. These were reason- 
able fares ; but travellers availing themselves of the hack- 
neys were not always conscientious : they sometimes hired 
them and forgot to pay, or paid less than the prescrip- 
tive charge, and moreover they often rode off with them, 
" whither they would and, in fact, it happened that the 
steeds of the contractors were frequently " lost, destroyed, 


and, at times, sold, and utterly taken away by their hirers." 
And in order that the theft might be the better concealed 
the ears and tails of horses were cut off to prevent their 
identification. The increase of frauds of this kind was 
remedied by the crown at the close of the fourteenth cen- 
tury 11 . 

Besides hackney-men there were persons who provided 
carts for the transport of heavy luggage. The hire of one 
with four horses was about Is. 6d, a day ; but such was the 
state of the roads that it was necessary in some districts 
to rest the cattle for four days, after travelling only two, 
while the general custom was to travel during four days and 
rest for three. The rates of hire were fixed by proclamation 
in the reign of Edward the First. So bad and unknown 
were cross roads at this time, that guides, — shepherds, 
and persons of a like degree, — were usually hired to con- 
duct travellers from one town to another ; especially if it was 
desirable to take a shorter route than the high roacl : thus 
in the year 1265 the countess of Leicester, sister of Henry 
the Third, was guided on her road from Odiham castle to 
Porchester by " Dobbe " the shepherd. It must be borne 
in mind also that in the absence of bridges it was necessary 
to have persons well acquainted with the fording places of 
rivers or streams. 

A good illustration of the difficulty and insecurity of 
travelling at the close of this century, is afforded by an 
account of the cost of transmitting a sum of money to 
Prince Edward, son of Edward the First, in 1301. In 
that year a portion of the revenue accruing from his ap- 
panage of Chester was sent to London, to replenish his 
generally exhausted exchequer. 

h The facts stated above are recited in The preamble states that the charges and 
the patent granted to the " men called privileges of the association had existed 
hakney-men" in the 19th Ric. II. (1396.) in the times of the king's progenitors. 



The treasure, one thousand pounds, was brought to 
London by two knights on horseback, William de la Mare 
(Delamere) and Gilbert de Wyleye, who were attended by 
sixteen armed valets, on foot. It was not sufficient, how- 
ever, that the money should be protected by men at arms ; 
in the absence of hostels, excepting in towns, it was neces- 
sary to secure the guards from hunger. Therefore they 
were accompanied by two cooks, who provided " a safe 
lodging" daily for the money, and, as a matter of course, 
provided for the culinary necessities of its conductors. These 
cooks were William of Ludgershall, who was in the king's 
service, and Warine who was the prince's cook ; the latter 
travelled with the escort only two days' ride between Chester 
and London, and then spurred on to the metropolis, to let 
the prince's treasurer know that the money was in a fair 
way of arriving in safety. Now in those days a thousand 
pounds really meant a thousand pounds of silver ; so it may 
be necessary to tell how it was conveyed to London. In 
the first place the prince's cook provided ten panniers 
" wherein to truss the monies" and cords wherewith to tie 
them, which cost 2*. 9d. Then these ten panniers were 
put across the backs of five hackneys ; supplied of course 
by the companies of hackneymen established along the 
road travelled 1 . 

It took the guard eight days to arrive in London with 
a heavy weight, and six days to return to Chester without 
one. The knights each received one shilling a day, and 
each valet was well paid at a third of the same stipend. 
The two cooks had each 2d. a day, but he who was in the 
prince's service had to stay two extra days in London in 
order to count out the money to the prince's treasurer, for 
which he received 2s. extra. The cost of hiring the five 

1 Account of the Chamberlain of Chester, 29-30 Edw. I. 


hackneys was thirty shillings j and the total expense of 
conveying the money in question was £6. 19s. 9d. } currency 
of that day, or about £104. 16s. in modem coin. 

Although it has been asserted that there were inns in 
England at this time, it would be difficult to find any 
proof of the statement. The truth is that even in London 
there was no such accommodation. There were tabernce, 
or drinking houses, where wine only was sold, as there 
were the brew-houses of ale-wives, who sold beer only, and 
there were cooks' shops. The same arrangement prevailed 
throughout the country; and it may be confidently asserted 
there was no establishment then existing which supplied, 
besides drink, food and beds. It was not until the middle 
of the fourteenth century that the hostel or tavern had its 
origin : perhaps the earliest in London was the Saracen's 
Head in Friday Street, Chepeside, where Chaucer, in his 
youth, saw the Grosvenor arms hanging out ; the poet did 
not make his acquaintance with the Tabard in Southwark 
till a later date. 

There was, however, another mode of conveyance in 
these times which should not be forgotten. Ladies of rank 
travelled occasionally in covered cars, drawn by two or 
more horses. Such a car or chariot (currus) was made for 
Eleanor of Castile, shortly before her coronation, which cost 
the large sum of £17. 5s. or £258. 15s. modern currency 3 . 
Much artistic decoration was lavished on such vehicles ; 
they were provided with a weather-proof roof, from which 
hung curtains of leather, or heavy silk ; the wood-work 
was painted and the nail-heads and wheels often gilt. 
The interior was fitted with ample cushions and other 
necessary appliances. There is a detailed account still 
preserved of the cost of building a travelling-carriage of 

j Rot. Pip. 2 Edw. I. comp. de providenciis factis contra coronationem Regis cele- 
bratam apud Westm. 



this sort for Margaret, duchess of Brabant k , daughter of 
Edward the First ; some of its external ornaments were 
enamelled ; the expense incurred on it amounted to £338 
money of our time. We have, unfortunately, no represen- 
tations of these early coaches of an older date than the 
fourteenth century ; but from these it may be fairly con- 
cluded that they were clumsy and uncomfortable waggon- 
like concerns ; and it is needless to say they were unpro- 
vided with springs. But the ingenuity of the time went 
beyond the construction of covered chariots. Henry the 
Third ordered a " house of deal" to be made, running on 
six wheels and roofed with lead ; which may have been in- 
tended for travelling purposes. Thus the modern travelling 
vans used by itinerant dealers and exhibitors had their ori- 
gin in comparatively remote antiquity 1 . 

As there were no inns at this time to which they could 
resort, it was necessary for travellers to carry provisions with 
them, or they purchased them at farms or religious houses 
which lay on or near their route ; for although the latter 
establishments undoubtedly supplied gratuitously a night's 
lodging and food when required by a traveller, it is equally 
certain they had no objection to sell such commodities as he 
might require for the prosecution of his journey. The diffi- 
culty of obtaining provisions in some parts of the country 
during this century must have been very great, especially 
in the northern districts, if we may judge from the state of 
things which prevailed one hundred and fifty years later, as 
described by iEneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., who 
thus narrates some particulars of his return to England from 
Scotland in 1448. After crossing the Tweed, he entered 

k Wardrobe Account, 25 Edw. I., Add. 
MS. 7965, fo. 15,(Brit.Mus.) Mr. Mark- 
land has noticed these carriages in an in- 
teresting paper in the Archseologia, vol. 
xx. p. 443 ; but he has cited no examples 

of so early a date as the thirteenth cen- 

1 See Liberate, 23 Hen. III., Aug. 4, 
in Chapter V. 


a large village, about sunset, and " alighted at a rustic's 
house, and supped there with the priest of the place and 
the host. Sundry pottages, fowls, and geese were brought 
to table, but there was neither wine nor bread. And then 
all the women on both sides ran to the house, as to a new 
thing ; and as our countrymen are wont to stare at Ethi- 
opians or Indians, so they, astonished regarded iEneas, 
asking of the priest whence he came, what he had come 
to do, and whether he were a Christian ? But iEneas, 
being forewarned of the poverty of the road, had received 
at a certain monastery a few loaves and a runlet of red 
wine, which being uncovered, greater astonishment seized 
the barbarians, who had never seen either wine or white 
bread. Pregnant women came up to the table with their 
husbands, and touching the bread and smelling the wine, 
begged some of it, among whom it was necessary to distri- 
bute the whole At day-break he began his 

journey, and reached Newcastle, which they say was built 
by Caesar ; there he first seemed to behold again the like- 
ness of the world, and the habitable face of the earth ; for 
Scotland, and the part of England adjoining it, is totally 
unlike our country" 1 , being dismal, uncultivated, and inac- 
cessible in winter/ 5 Even so late as the period of the 
Reformation one of the reasons which the then archbishop 
of York urged on Cromwell against the suppression of the 
monastery of Hexham, in Northumberland, was, that it was 
of so much importance to the convenience of travellers be- 
tween Newcastle and Carlisle. Harrison who compiled his 
"Description of Brittaine"," in the time of Elizabeth, was 
inclined to think that many things were better in the days 
of the Edwards than at the period he wrote ; the " good 
old times" have had their admirers in every age, and it is 

m He speaks of Italy; Commentarii Pii Secundi, &c., fol. Franeof. 1614, p. 5. 
11 Printed in Holinshed's Chronicles. 



one of the necessary, albeit unfanciful duties of the his- 
torical writer to dispel the illusions which may prevail 
respecting them. Whatever social retrogression there 
might have been in some respects during the period be- 
tween the fourteenth and the sixteenth century it is at least 
certain that there was a progressive improvement in the 
means of traversing the country ; when Harrison was 
taking his retrospective view, posts were established on all 
the main roads of the kingdom. 

There is another point connected with this part of our 
subject to which we must now advert, viz., the state of the 
trade of England. In the thirteenth century the Flemings 
and Italians engrossed the most lucrative departments of 
commerce; both purchased our staple commodity wool, 
and both introduced, and by nearly the same route , the 
products of the more skilled artisans of the south of Europe, 
and the rarer merchandise of the East. They imported the 
silks of Italy, the fine cotton fabrics of India, the spices 
of the same remote region ; and the refined sugars of 
Alexandria, where the Arabs, then the only refiners in 
the world, had established a sort of monopoly in that 
article of consumption. The Italian merchants, however, 
exercised greater influence than our neighbours of Flanders. 
They were often farmers of the chief revenues of the crown, 
and always its bankers until the time of Edward the Third, 
who becoming a sort of insolvent, ruined half the great 
mercantile houses of Florence and Genoa. In the time of 
Henry the Third the companies of the Neri and Bianchi, the 
respective colours of the Guelph and Ghibbeline factions 
in Italy, were the great merchants of England. There 
was also another class of foreign traders which exercised 
some influence on English commerce : the great province 
of Guienne was still a dependency of the English crown, and 

The Low countries. 


the merchants of Bordeaux and Bayonne had a small share 
in the eastern traffic which then existed, while they were, 
at the same time, the chief exporters of wine to this 
country. The province of Guienne was settled by Henry on 
his eldest son, prince Edward, who mortgaged the revenue 
of the town of Bordeaux to St. Louis of France to provide 
funds for the crusade they jointly undertook in 1269 p ; 
there is still extant a very curious letter from Henry to 
his son, when he was in need of money, advising him 
to " speak courteously" (curialitef) to the wine exporters, 
whom he had disappointed in a stipulated payment, to 
induce them to make further shipments to England. 

The wines brought to England by the Bordeaux mer- 
chants were chiefly the products of their own district, 
vintages of the borders of the Garonne, though not then 
called clarets q ; the wines of other French provinces were 
also largely exported to this country, as those of Anjou, 
Aucerne and Poitou. As for " Malvoisie" it may be 
reasonably doubted if such a liquor was known here in 
the thirteenth century ; the author has found no mention 
of it in any contemporary documents. The traders of Bay- 
onne brought hither the products of Spain, the chief of 
which were fruits and the highly prized cordovan leather, 
as also the prepared sheep-skin called bazan. 

The trade of English provincial towns w r as of the most 
limited character ; the stocks of shop-keepers, bought at 
the various periodical fairs, were unequal to any extraordinary 
demand, and as until the recurrence of those great annual 
marts they had no opportunity of replenishing their ware- 
houses, it frequently happened that when the king required 
a particular commodity, several counties had to be searched 

p See the covenant in Liber de Anti- ened and boiled. See " La Vie Privee 
quis Legibus, p. Ill et seq. des Francais," torn. iii. p. 67. 

1 Clarets (clairets) were wines sweet- 



by their respective sheriffs in order to procure it. A good 
illustration of the difficulty of obtaining even home manu- 
factures is afforded by the particulars of the siege of 
Bedford in the year 1224. Fulke de Breaute, one of the 
foreign retainers of King John, was the owner or tenant 
of that fortress at the beginning of the reign of Henry 
the Third ; having seized, and imprisoned in its dun- 
geon, Henry de Braibroke, one of the king's justices 
in Eyre, because of an adverse verdict delivered at the 
assizes at Dunstaple, Hubert de Burgh the justiciar, ac- 
companied by the youthful king, laid siege to his castle 
in June of that year; the undertaking was considered of 
sufficient importance to induce the clergy, who had suffered 
much from the rapacity of Fulke, to grant a money aid on 
behalf of themselves and their free tenants ; and in due 
time the royal forces invested the castle, which was a place 
in those days of formidable strength. The resistance of 
the besieged was strenuous ; and their assailants were re- 
duced to the necessity of undermining the towers : but for 
this work they required pickaxes as well as other materials, 
and they also needed ropes to work the engines by which 
they battered the walls. A royal order was sent to the 
sheriffs of London to supply the necessary articles, which 
could not be obtained at a nearer place ; even they were 
unable to furnish all the materials required with sufficient 
speed, and writs were thereupon directed to the sheriffs 
of Dorsetshire and other counties, ordering them to send 
ropes, pickaxes, &c, to the king without delay. Eventually, 
after a siege of nearly two months' duration, the castle was 
taken; but it was mainly enabled to hold out so long in 
consequence of the difficulty of procuring ropes sufficiently 
stout to work the king's battering engines 1 ". 

r This siege is described at some length is referred for authorities for the above 
by Dr. Lingard ; the more curious reader statement to the printed Close Rolls, 


The chief manufactures of England in this century were 
woollen cloths ; Weavers' guilds are among the earliest 
named in the Exchequer records, which commence in the 
time of Henry the Second 5 ; the other guilds were those of 
Goldsmiths, Fullers, and Tanners. The fabric of woollens 
seems to have been very generally distributed over the 
country. In the north, Beverley was renowned for its 
russets and blues, and Lincoln for its scarlet, although 
" Lincoln green" is more famous in popular tradition*. 
In the west, Totness was a great clothing town, and the 
capital of the trade in those parts. But at the same time 
large quantities of foreign manufactured cloths were im- 
ported, among which, those of Flanders, France, and Spain, 
were in great esteem, more especially all "green, murrey, 
and blue cloths from beyond sea' 1 ." 

But there was one art for which England had been cele- 
brated from early times ; that of working in the precious 
metals, or goldsmithry, as it was called. The " opus 
Anglicanum" was prized in the ninth and tenth centuries ; 
and in the period under discussion, Durham and Irish 
works in silver or gold were in great estimation. Of the 
nature of these productions we know absolutely nothing ; 
but it may be presumed that enamel formed a part of the 
ornamentation. At the beginning of the fourteenth cen- 
tury English goldsmiths and enamellers were settled in 

As before remarked v the goldsmiths worked rather than 
dealt in the precious metals; when their services were 

vol. i. sub. anno 1224. Ropes used at 
this date for military engines and cross- 
bows were, it appears, ordinarily formed 
of horse-hair. 

s There is one Great Roll of the Ex- 
chequer for the 31st year of Henry the 
First; but as a series these rolls date 

from the reign of Henry the Second. 

* Curiously enough it is but very 
rarely named in medieval records. 

u Wardrobe Account, 20 Hen. III. 
Rot. Pip. 

v Introd., p. xi. 



required the raw material was entrusted to them to be 
fashioned according to the directions of their employers. 
So at the coronation of Edward the First a " mass of silver 
weighing 32s. 6d." was purchased and delivered to Ed- 
ward (of Westminster) the goldsmith " to make little bells 
thereof, which were hung to the canopy which was carried 
above the king's head it cost 35s. 2d. to purify this 
lump of metal x . 

It was originally proposed to conclude this chapter with 
some account of the state of husbandry in England during 
the period under discussion. Unfortunately the subject is 
too extensive to be treated in a few pages ; it is, moreover, 
so embarrassed by the technicalities of agricultural tenures, 
which varied to a considerable degree in almost every dis- 
trict of the country, that it would be hopeless to attempt 
any minute description of the general state of the agricul- 
tural classes and of agricultural economy. It may suffice 
to say in a few words that in the thirteenth century there 
were few small farms ; the great proprietors kept their 
land in their own hands and farmed on their own account, 
by the aid of their villans and other dependents. It was 
more convenient to give their labourers a subordinate in- 
terest in the land, than to compensate them in money for 
the personal services they rendered at the various seasons 
of the year. Erom this arrangement the system of copy- 
holds is to be mainly derived. In early times some services 
were repaid in kind. 

Numerous ancient marl pits yet remaining in various 
parts of the country shew the extent to which that ma- 
terial was employed in preparing soils ; and the litter of 
cattle-folds was amassed for the same purpose : in some 
leases, of the early part of the fourteenth century, the tenant 
covenanted to apply it twice in the year ; this was a gene- 

* Rot. Tip. 5 Edw. I., 2 U9 Rot. Comp. 


ral agreement in the county of Wilts. It was a common 
practice to let stock of every description to farm, even bees, 
the lord receiving in return so much of the produce, besides 
his original investment. Thus in the manor of Tunbridge, 
part of the honour of Clare, the swineherds had forty-five 
sows, for each of which they were bound to render every 
year, if there were paunage, five pigs ; if there were no 
paunage they paid one hundred and five shillings ; and so, 
observes the bailiff, " those sows are immortal to their lords, 
because the swineherds will always answer thus for them 7 ." 

Daily labourers on farms were fed at the lord's expense ; 
their chief diet being a sort of porridge, the ingredients 
of which are not specified. The whole arrangements 
were under the control of the reeve, or steward, who also 
managed the sale of stock of every description. One of 
his duties was to collect the hair of the cattle for the 
purpose of making ropes for the ploughs and wains j for 
the same object he was bound to grow a crop of hemp on 
the demesne lend 2 : all farm implements were originally 
furnished and kept in repair by the lord. 

The chief agriculturists of the kingdom were the reli- 
gious, especially the monks of the Cistertian order, and it 
is from a careful examination of their chartularies and the 
custumals of their manors that most of the information ex- 
tant relating to medieval husbandry is to be gleaned. The 
quantity of live stock possessed by some of the clergy was 
often enormous, considering how prevalent diseases among 
cattle were, both from the testimony of chroniclers and 
contemporary farming accounts; in 1331 the stock be- 
longing to the bishopric of Winchester amounted to 1683 
oxen of all ages, and 11,548 sheep. 

7 " Et iste sues immortales dominis pense Honoris de Clare, 
suis, quia semper sic respondebunt inde z Add. MS. 6159 ; tract entitled 
porcarii." Rot. Pip. 20 Hen. III. Ex- " Husebondrie," fo. 217. 



There is, however, another subject connected with the 
domestic economy of the middle ages which possesses, it 
may be, a greater degree of interest than agriculture, and 
which is more germane to an essay on Domestic Archi- 
tecture, and that is the condition of horticulture ; we are 
certain our ancestors had gardens of some kind attached to 
their manor-houses, and it is worth while to ascertain their 
ordinary character. 

The first rudiments of horticultural science must have 
been introduced into this country by the Romans ; and 
the writings of Pliny prove that the fruits cultivated by 
that people at the zenith of their rule included almost all 
those now grown in Europe, with the exception of the 
orange a , pine-apple, gooseberry, currant, and raspberry. 
Even in those early times, and when much of the country 
was forest and marsh, we have the testimony of Tacitus b 
that " the soil and climate of England were very fit for all 
kinds of fruit-trees, except the vine and the olive ; and for 
all plants and edible vegetables, except a few which are 
peculiar to hotter countries." If this observation does not 
exactly prove that horticulture had been widely tried, it 
supports the conjecture that it was not long before the 
Roman settlers introduced those fruits which they were 
accustomed to consume in their own country, and which 
were not found indigenous in this. Pliny states ex- 
plicitly that cherries were planted in Britain about the 
middle of the first century ; they had been brought from 
Pontus to Italy by Lucullus c a hundred and twenty years 
previously. Notwithstanding the opinion of Tacitus, that 

a Though this has been" douhted ; some 
writers having supposed the " malus as- 
syria," or "citrus medica," mentioned 
by Pliny, lib. xii. cap. vii., to mean the 
orange; but see on this subject the 

edition of Desfontaines, Paris, 1829, vol. 
v. p. 10, and the Excursus, p. 99. 

b Vita Agric, cap. xiv. 

c Hist. Nat., lib. xv. cap. xxx. 


our climate was not suited to the vine, it was intro- 
duced by the Romans in the third century, and that 
its culture was not very soon afterwards abandoned, is 
proved by Bede's notice of vineyards at the beginning 
of the eighth century. 

Whatever amount of horticultural knowledge may have 
been diffused in England under the dominion of the Romans, 
there can be no reasonable doubt that much of it was soon 
lost amidst the period of anarchy and devastation which 
succeeded their retirement. Nature would in a great 
measure provide against the entire destruction of the trees 
and plants which they had imported and acclimatised, but 
the science of gardening would be gradually forgotten. 
In fact it was not resuscitated in any part of Europe until 
the time of Charlemagne. That monarch greatly encou- 
raged the art in France, and as England became more 
settled in its government, horticulture might be expected 
to revive with the other occupations of peace ; yet our 
Saxon ancestors do not seem to have emulated the example 
of their French neighbours. We know they had their 
herb-gardens, whence our term orchard, and the existence 
of one apple-garden is noticed in Domesday ; it was at 
Nottingham : horti, and hortuli, gardens, or little gardens, 
are frequently mentioned also in that record. It must be 
admitted, however, that little or nothing is known of the 
state of horticulture in this country prior to the Norman 
invasion : and when, after that event, we begin to find 
traces of horticultural knowledge among monastic writers, 
it is evident from the names applied to various fruits that 
France supplied those which were held in most esteem, 
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 

Excepting a notice in William of Malmesbury relative to 
the culture of the vine in England, particularly in Glouces- 
tershire, the earliest English author who has treated of hor- 


ticulture, and that only incidentally, is Alexander Necham, 
to whose writings we have so frequently referred. His valu- 
able, comparatively unknown, and as yet unpublished, work 
" de Naturis Rerum d ," is a sort of common -place book, 
wherein he entered under various heads the gleanings of his 
secular and theological reading ; but as much of that read- 
ing, in matters appertaining to natural history, was limited 
to Solinus and Isidore, his observations must be received 
with some caution. His description of what a " nobilis 
ortus " should contain is evidently in a great degree purely 
rhetorical, since it enumerates besides trees and plants indi- 
genous to, or then probably acclimatised in, England, others 
which were, and still are, except under very special condi- 
tions, natives solely of the south-east of Europe and of Asia. 
That his remarks however, were not wholly inapplicable 
to an English monastic garden of the twelfth century, is 
proved by his mention of the pear of St. Regie, a fruit of 
French origin and name, which was extensively grown in 
this country during the thirteenth century. Besides this 
pear he enumerates apples, chestnuts, peaches, pomegran- 
ates, citrons, golden apples, almonds and figs. A doubt 
may be reasonably entertained as to the cultivation of the 
pomegranate or citron, even in the most scientific claustral 
garden, in England during the latter half of the twelfth 
century. It should be remembered, nevertheless, that both 
had been grown in Italy and the south of France, from the 
time of the Romans, and that specimens may have been 
introduced as curiosities by some of the travelled, or alien, 
churchmen of Necham's time. We know from the inter- 
esting memorials of the early abbats of St. Alban's, pre- 
served by Matthew Pa,ris, that they frequently visited Italy 
on the affairs of their house, and they may have imported 

d There are numerous MS. copies of this work ; several are in the British 


from thence horticultural rarities for their gardens, as they 
were accustomed to bring over rarities in art for the deco- 
ration of their church. There is no reason to suppose 
that the chestnut, even though not indigenous, a fact as 
yet uncertain, did not grow in this country subsequent to 
Roman times; the same remark applies to the peach, 
almond, and fig ; the first of these fruits was cultivated as 
far north as St. Gall in the time of Charlemagne, and was 
certainly planted in the palace garden at Westminster as 
early as the year 1276. There remain then of the fruit 
trees which Necham thought requisite for a " noble garden" 
only the " golden apples " {aurea mala) to be disposed of ; 
it is not at all probable that they were golden pippins, and 
they must it is feared, be assigned to the fabled Hesperides, 
of which he had read in his favourite Solinus. Although 
he does not name them as desirable in a " noble garden," 
Necham mentions, in another place, cherries and mulberries, 
with this remark, "they (and other soft fruits) should be 
taken on an empty stomach, and not after a meal." Among 
soft fruits he reckoned apples ; his notion that pears, unless 
cooked were cold and indigestible was shared by Pliny ; the 
opinion was probably due in both cases to the fact that 
the commonest varieties of that fruit were adapted chiefly 
to culinary purposes. Necham makes no practical remarks 
on horticulture; he was acquainted, however, with the 
process, still in use, of grafting the pear on the thorn. 
Grafting was a branch of horticultural science which exer- 
cised the minds and ingenuity of the religious from the 
earliest time. Manuscripts of the works of Varro, Colu- 
mella, and Palladius were of frequent occurrence in the 
monastic libraries of the middle ages ; and the experi- 
mentalists of those days, although they certainly failed to 
produce, fully believed in those marvellous results said 
to have been attained by grafting;, which deceived the 



credulous from the days of Virgil and Pliny to the time 
of Evelyn. 

Of the vine, which was extensively grown in this country 
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Necham says 
little. That it was cultivated in order to make wine there 
can be no doubt ; and at the present time it seems wholly 
incredible that a controversy like that which took place in 
the last century between Daines Barrington, who adopted 
the opinion of Sir Robert Atkyns e , on the one side, and 
Dr. Pegge on the other f , respecting the culture of the vine, 
could have been maintained so long in sheer ignorance of 
the great number of accounts relating to vineyards which 
are preserved in our several Record offices. From the 
time of Henry II., the great rolls of the exchequer present 
numerous illustrations of the subject ; and although after 
that monarch's acquisition of Guienne, in right of his 
consort, Eleanor of Aquitaine, the manufacture of wine in 
this country may have been checked by the importation 
of a more generous product from Bourdeaux; still wine, 
whatever may have been its quality, continued to be made 
in many a vineyard in England even so late as the fifteenth 
century. Early in the reign of Henry the Third the vine- 
yards of the archbishop of Canterbury at Teynham and 
Northflete in Kent, were in great repute, and during the 
vacancy of the see they were kept in order by the ministers 
of the crown g . At the same period the bishops of Hereford 
had a vineyard at Ledbury " under Malvern," the produce 
of which sold at ten shillings a barrel 11 ; and many other in- 
stances might be cited if necessary. The accounts of the 
keeper of the vineyard at Windsor castle in the reign of 

e That vinea meant an apple orchard. g Liberate Roll 17 Hen. III. 
Ancient and Present State of Glouces- h Rot. Pip. 20 Hen. III., comp. de 

tershire, p. 17. Episcopatu Hereford. 

f Archseologia, vol. i. and ii. 


Edward III., detail every operation, from planting, grafting, 
and manuring, till the fruit was pressed, casks made or re- 
paired, and the wine barrelled 1 . For some time the super- 
intendence of the Windsor vineyard was in the hands of one 
Stephen of Bourdeaux, who had doubtless been brought from 
Guienne, to impart to English gardeners the method of cul- 
ture practised by the vine-dressers of the Garonne. It was 
part of the economy of the Windsor vineyard, as of others, to 
make nearly as much verjuice as wine, a circumstance which 
may indicate, perhaps, the poorness of the vintage. Verjuice 
was much used in the sauces and other culinary prepara- 
tions of those times, and appears to have been prepared 
either from the juice of the grape, from vine-leaves, or from 
sorrel. The only interesting remark made by Necham on 
the vine refers to its usefulness when trained against the 
house front k . 

Erom the time of Necham till the close of the thirteenth 
century we have little information respecting English horti- 
culture except that which is supplied by records, autho- 
rities which are necessarily meagre in detail. In consider- 
ing their contents it will be convenient to take the several 
fruits mentioned in some sort of order ; and first as to the 
Pear. In accounts of the fourth and the twentieth years of 
Edward L, 1276, 1292, we find enumerated among pur- 
chases for the royal garden at Westminster, plants, or sets, 
of pears called Kaylewell, or Calswell', Rewl', or de Regula, 
and Pesse-pucelle ; these are rude versions of the names of 
French varieties then in great repute. The Kaylewell was 
the Caillou, a Burgundy pear ; hard, of inferior quality, and 
fit only for baking or stewing. The Rewl' was the pear of 

1 These accounts are included in the 
Journals of Works at Windsor, preserved 
among the Exchequer Records formerly 
in the custody of the Queen's Remem- 
brancer and now deposited in Carlton 


k " Pampinus latitudine sua excipit 
aeris insultus, cum res ita desiderat, et 
fenestra clementiam caloris Solaris ad- 
mittit." Lib. ii. 



St. Regie, which we have seen noticed by Necham in the 
twelfth century ; it appears to have derived its name from 
the village of St. Regie, in Touraine. The Pesse-pucelle 1 
may have been the variety anciently known in France as 
the " Pucelle de Saintongue there was also another sort 
called " Pucelle de Elandres." Of these varieties the Cail- 
lou seems to have been most commonly grown in England : 
there is extant a writ of Henry III. directing his gardener 
to plant it both at Westminster and in the garden at the 
Tower. Much information as to the different kinds of 
pear known in this country in the thirteenth century, is 
derived from the bills delivered into the Treasury by the 
fruiterer of Edward I. in the year 1292 m . They enumer- 
ate in addition to the St. Regie, Caillou, and Pesse-pucelle 
pears, others named Martins, Dreyes, Sorells, Gold-knobs 
(" Gold-knopes"), and Cheysills. If their prices are to be 
taken as any indication of the esteem in which the several 
varieties were held, or of their rarity, the St. Regie and 
Pesse-pucelle appear to have occupied the first places ; the 
cost of those fruits ranging from lOd. to 2s. and 3s. a 
hundred ; Martins sold at 8d., the Caillou at Is., and the 
other sorts at 2d. or 3d. per hundred. 

To the preceding list of pears cultivated in England in 
early times must be added another sort which may be rea- 
sonably claimed as partly of native origin. The horticul- 
tural skill of the Cistertian monks of Wardon, in Bedford- 
shire, a foundation dating from the twelfth century, pro- 
duced, at some early but uncertain time, a baking variety 
of the pear. It bore, and still bears the name of the ab- 
bey ; it figured on its armorial escutcheon", and supplied 

1 Also called " Pas-pucelle." according to Bishop Tanner, Jr. three 

m Now preserved in the Chapter-house, Wardon pears or, two and one; hut the 

Westminster. counter seal appended to the deed of 

n The arms of Wardon abhey were Surrender, preserved among the Aug- 



the contents of those Wardon-pies so often named in old 
descriptions of feasts, and which so many of our historical 
novelists have represented as huge pasties of venison, or 
other meat, suited to the digestive capacities of gigantic 
wardens of feudal days. It is time, in justice to these 
venerable gardeners, that this error should be exploded. 
Their application to horticultural pursuits, even up to the 
Dissolution, is honourably attested by a survey of their 
monastery, made after that event, which mentions the 
" great vineyard," the " little vineyard/' two orchards, 
doubtless the same in which the " Wardon" was first 
reared, and a hopyard. The Wardon is still known in the 
west and other parts of England, as a winter pear. 

The Wardon completes the list of the named varieties 
of the pear grown in this country during medieval times, 
so far as the subject has been hitherto investigated. It 
should be noticed, however, as " Gold-knopes" are named 
above, that there is still a common Scotch pear called 
the " Golden Knap," which is possibly the very sort sup- 
plied to Edward I., more than five centuries and a half 
gone by. 

Of apples one sort only is named in any account of the 
thirteenth century that has fallen under the writer's obser- 
vation ; and that is the "costard? it occurs in the fruit- 
erer's bills, already quoted, of the year 1292 : but as this 
fruit was very generally cultivated from an early time** there 
must have been many varieties known. The pear main was 

mentation Records, bears a demi-crosier perty of keeping!" Arboretum et Fruti- 

between three Wardon pears. The late cetum Britannicum, vol. ii. p. 882. 

editors of Dugdale's Monasticon remark P " Poma Costard' ;" they sold for one 

that Wardon pears were sometimes called shilling the hundred. 

Abbats' pears, but no authority is given q Malmesbury, speaking of Glouces- 

for the assertion. Monasticon, vol. v. tershire, says, " Cernas tramites publicos 

p. 371. vestitos pomiferis arboribus, non insitiva 

Mr. Loudon observes that the War- manus industria, sed ipsius solius humi 

don pear was so called from "its pro- natura." 


certainly known by that name soon after the year 1200, as 
Blomefield instances a tenure, in Norfolk, by petty serjeanty 
and the payment of 200 pearmains and 4 hogsheads of cider 
or wine made of pearmains, into the Exchequer, at the feast 
of St. Michael yearly 1 '. Cider was largely manufactured 
during the thirteenth century, even as far north as York- 
shire; thus in 1282 the bailiff of Cowick in that county, 
stated in his account, that he had made sixty gallons of 
cider from three quarters and a half of apples 8 . It has 
been already remarked that our forefathers considered the 
apple to be a " soft fruit," and more wholesome than the 

It may be desirable, previous to the enumeration of the 
other kinds of fruit generally cultivated during this century, 
to place before the reader a statement of the resources of a 
nobleman's garden in the year 1296; one which, although 
it belonged to perhaps the wealthiest baron of that period, 
was not, probably, better stocked, or more extensive, than 
many annexed to the Cistertian abbeys of the same age ; 
the members of that religious order being then pre-eminent 
for their skill in horticulture and for agricultural enter- 

In the office of the Duchy of Lancaster is preserved an 
account rendered by the bailiff of Henry de Laci, earl of 

r History of Norfolk, vol. xi. p. 242. 
ed. 1810. 

s In a tract on Husbandry, written in 
England early in the fourteenth century, 
we find it stated, under the rubric " co- 
merit horn deit mettre le issue de sun 
estor a ferine," that x quarters of apples 
or pears ought to yield a tun (tonel) of 
cider as rent (moesun.) Add. MS. 6159, 
fo. 220. Lawson, who lived in York- 
shire, thus describes the process of mak- 
ing cider and perry in his time, that is 
before 1597: " dresse every apple, the 

stalke, upper end, and all galls away: 
stampe them, and straine them, and 
within 24 houres time tunne them up 
into cleane, sweet and sound vessels, for 
feare of evill ayre, which they will readily 
take : and if you hang a poeke full of 
cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinamon, ginger, 
and pils of lemmons in the midst of the 
vessell, it will make it as wholesome and 
pleasant as wine. The like usage doth 
Perry require." A New Orchard, &c, 
p. 52. 


Lincoln*, of the profits arising from, and the expenditure 
upon, the earl's garden in Ho] born, then in the suburbs of 
London, in the 24th year of Edward I. We learn from 
this curious document that apples, pears, large nuts, and 
cherries, were produced in sufficient quantities, not only to 
supply the earl's table, but also to yield a profit by their 
sale. The comparatively large sum of nine pounds, two 
shillings and threepence, in money of that time, equal to 
about one hundred and thirty-five pounds of modern cur- 
rency, was received in one year from the sale of fruit alone. 
The vegetables cultivated in this garden were beans, onions, 
garlic, leeks and some others, which are not specifically 
named. Hemp was also grown there, and some description 
of plant which yielded verjuice, possibly, sorrel. Cuttings of 
the vines were sold, from which it may be inferred that the 
earl's trees were held in some estimation. 

The stock purchased for this garden comprised cuttings 
or sets of the following varieties of pear-trees ; viz. two of 
the St. Regie, two of the Martin, five of the Caillou, and 
three of the Pesse-pucelle : it is stated that these cuttings 
were for planting. The only flowers named are roses, of 
which a quantity was sold, producing three shillings and 
twopence. There was a pond, or vivary, in the garden, 
and the bailiff expended eight shillings in the purchase of 
small fish, frogs, and eels, to feed the pikes in it. This 
account further shews that the garden was enclosed by a 
paling and fosse ; that it was managed by a head gardener 
who had an annual fee of fifty-two shillings and two pence, 
together with a robe or livery : his assistants seem to have 
been numerous, and were employed in dressing the vines 
and manuring the ground : their collective wages for the 
year amounted to five pounds. 

Quinces {coynes) and medlars are frequently mentioned 

* The last of that name who hore the title ; he died in 1312. 


in the royal household accounts of the thirteenth century ; 
so often, indeed, that there is no reason to doubt that these 
fruits were extensively cultivated in England. Quinces are 
named in the fruiterer's accounts of the year 1292, before 
quoted, and were sold at the rate of four shillings the 

Peaches, as already stated, were enumerated as garden 
stock by Necham in the twelfth century, and slips of peach- 
trees were planted in the royal garden at Westminster in 
the fourth year of Edward the First, 1276 u . 

We have not found any notices of the nectarine or 
apricot earlier than the fifteenth century x . 

The almond is mentioned by Necham y , but we may 
reasonably assume it was cultivated chiefly as an ornamental 
tree, and that the large quantities of this nut eaten during 
Lent, in ancient times, were imported from the south of 
Europe. It is worthy of remark that Necham speaks of the 
date-palm, a tree which appears to have been cultivated 
in England as early as the sixteenth century. Lawson, in 
his "New Orchard," gives instructions for setting date 

Plums are seldom named in early accounts. 

The cherry was well known at the period of the Con- 
quest, and at every subsequent time. We have seen that 
it is mentioned by Necham in the twelfth, and that it was 
cultivated in the earl of Lincoln's garden in the thirteenth 
century. In the twenty-third year of Henry the Third 
there is an order to buy cherry-trees for the royal garden 

u From the commentary of Godefridus 
on Palladius, translated in the fifteenth 
century by Nicholas Bollarde, we find 
that the fruit of the peach was then called 
its apple. "Also the appul of a pecher 
shallewox rede if his. . . gryfted one 
a plane (?plome) tie." MS. Harl. 116, 

fo. 156. 

Both are named by Lawson in the 
sixteenth century. 

y Directions for planting it are given 
by Nicholas Bollarde, in the fifteenth 
century. MS. Harl. 116, fo. 155, b. 


at Westminster 2 , and in 1277 Giles de Audenard purchased 
" plants of vines, cherry-trees, willows, roses, and certain 
other things" for the same place a . In an account of the pro- 
fits of the honour of Clare in 1236 we find that the apples, 
cider, and cherries sold during one year brought the sum of 
£3. 6s. 5d. h It is true no varieties of this fruit are named, as 
of the pear, but when we examine writers of the beginning of 
the seventeenth century, as for instance the " Husbandman's 
fruitfull Orchard," published before 1609, we find that four 
varieties of the cherry were then grown in England, viz., 
the Flemish, the Gascoyne, the English and the Black 
cherry. The foreign sorts ripened in May, the native not 
before June. It is extremely probable that the Gascoyne 
cherry was brought into this country soon after Guienne 
became a dependency of the British crown, and our great 
mercantile intercourse with Flanders, from a very remote 
time, would naturally occasion the introduction of its fruits 
as well as its manufactures. The late Mr. Loudon c refers 
to one Richard Haines, fruiterer to Henry the Eighth, as the 
person supposed, by some, to have re-introduced the culture 
of the cherry in England. This opinion was derived from 
the " Epistle to the Reader," prefixed to " The Husband- 
man's fruitfull Orchard the name of the fruiterer was not 
Haines but Harris ; he was an Irishman, and planted an 
orchard, celebrated in the seventeenth century, at Teynham 
in Kent, a place famous long before for its vineyard, which 
bore the name of the " New-garden." He is said to have 
fetched out of " Fraunce greate store of graft es especially 
pippins : before which time there was no right pippins in 
England. He fetched also, out of the Lowe Countries, 
Cherrie grafts, and Peare grafts, of divers sorts." Henry 

z Liberate Roll, 23 Hen. III. m. 15. 
* Rot. Pip., 5 Edw. I. 
b Rot. Pip., 20 Hen. III. 

Encyclopaedia of Gardening-, td. 
1835, p. 22. 



the Eighth planted a great quantity of cherry-trees at 
Hampton Court through the agency of Harris d . 

The mulberry, or More tree, as it was called, appears 
to have been grown in England from a very remote period ; 
it is included in Necham's list of desirable fruits. 

The earliest notice of the gooseberry, which I have 
found, is of the fourth year of Edward the Eirst, 1276, 
when plants of this genus were purchased for the king's 
garden at Westminster; but as it is an indigenous fruit 
we may infer that it was known at a remoter time, though 
probably only in its wild state. 

Strawberries and raspberries rarely occur in early ac- 
counts, owing probably to the fact that they were not culti- 
vated in gardens, and known only as wild fruits. Some 
kind of drink however was made both from the raspberry 
and mulberry e . Strawberries are named once in the House- 
hold Roll of the countess of Leicester for the year 1265. 
This plant does not seem to have been much grown even at 
the end of the sixteenth century f . Both fruits being indi- 
genous would be found plentifully in the woods in ancient 
times, and thence brought to market as they are at the pre- 
sent day in Italy and other parts of southern Europe. 

Of nuts the sorts common in this country from an early 
period appear to have been the chestnut and hazel-nut. 
The "large nuts" mentioned as growing in the garden of 
the earl of Lincoln in Holborn, were probably walnuts ; for 
although the exact period of the introduction of that variety 
is not known, it was generally cultivated as early as the 

d The accounts are still preserved ; bought at Southampton, the bailiffs of 

they were formerly at the Chapter- which place are commanded to send to 

house. London "unum dolium de mureto et 

e There is an order on the Liberate aliud dolium de Francboyse." 
Roll, 21 Hen. III. m. 13, to pay John f In the time of Henry VIII. straw- 

Mansel the king's clerk 6s. Sd. " pro berry roots sold at fourpence a bushel, 

duobus bucettis de mure et Francboyse" Hampton Court Accounts. 


middle of the fifteenth century, and the wood of the tree 
known by the name of " masere whence, probably, the 
name given to those wooden bowls, so much prized in me- 
dieval times, called mazers e. It has been supposed that 
those vessels derived their appellation from the Dutch word 
maeser, signifying a maple h , and it is probable they were 
sometimes made of that material, as they were occasionally 
of the ash and other woods ; yet the timber of the walnut 
tree being often beautifully variegated would supply a 
material in every respect equal, if not superior, to the com- 
mon maple. 

Nuts were cultivated in England in early times in order 
to obtain oil. It was estimated by an English writer of 
the early part of the fourteenth century, that one quarter of 
nuts ought to yield four gallons of oil \ but he does not 
specify any particular sort of nut. 

Little can be said with certainty respecting the varieties 
of culinary vegetables cultivated in England previously to 
the fifteenth century. The cabbage tribe was doubtless 
well known in the earliest times, and generally reared 
during the middle ages : of leguminous plants the pea and 
bean were grown in the thirteenth century ; the latter it 
will be recollected was among the products of the earl of 

g " Take many rype walenottes and 
water hem a while, and put hem in a 
moiste pytt, and hile hem, and ther shal- 
be grawe therof a grett stoke that we calle 
masere." Nicholas Bollarde's version of 
Godefridus super Palladium, MS. Har. 
116, fo. 158. 

h See Arch. Journal, vol. ii. p. 262. 

1 "E un quarter de noyz deit re- 
spoundre de iiij. galons de oille." The 
title of this curious tract is, " Ici aprent 
la manere coment hom deit charger 
baillifs e provoz sur lur acounte rendre 
de un maner. E coment hom deit ma- 

ner garder." The treatise immediately 
following it, in the same manuscript, 
purports to have been written by Sir 
Walter de Henlee, knight — " Ceste dite 
fist Sire Water de Henlee chivaler" — 
from the character of the writing in each 
being the same it may be conjectured 
with probability, that he was the author 
of both works. Add. MS. 6159, fo. 220. 
The oil of small nuts, "minutarum 
nuciurn," is often named on the Libe- 
rate Rolls of the time of Henry the 



Lincoln's garden in Holborn. The chief esculent root was 
probably beet, which is mentioned by Necham. The pot 
herbs and sweet herbs cultivated and used from a remote 
period, were the same which are enumerated by our native 
writers on horticulture of the early part of the seventeenth 
century k . Of salads the lettuce, rocket, mustard, water- 
cress, and hop, are noticed by Necham. Onions, garlic, 
and leeks appear to have been the only alliaceous plants in 
use before the year 1400. With these remarks we may 
quit the kitchen, for the flower-garden. 

Our invaluable authority, Alexander Necham, says, a 
" noble garden" should be arrayed with roses, lilies, sun- 
flowers, violets and poppies ; he mentions also the narcissus 
(N. pseudonarcissus ?) The rose seems to have been culti- 
vated from the most remote time ; early in the thirteenth 
century we find King John sending a wreath of roses to 
his lady, par amours, at Ditton ; roses and lilies were 
among the plants bought for the royal garden at West- 
minster in 1276 : the annual rendering of a rose is one of 
the commonest species of quit-rent named in ancient con- 
veyances. Of all the flowers, however, known to our an- 
cestors, the gilly-flower or clove pink l , {clou-de-girqflee), 
was the commonest, and to a certain degree the most es- 
teemed. Mr. Loudon has stated, erroneously, that the 
cruelties of the duke of Alva in 1567, were the occasion of 
our receiving through the Flemish weavers, gilly-flowers, 
carnations, and Provins roses. The gilly-flower had been 
known and prized in England centuries before : at the end 
of the sixteenth century, Lawson, who terms it the king of 
flowers, except the rose, boasted that he had gilly-flowers 

k Compare Lawson's " Country House- and sweet herbs to the sixteenth century- 
wife's Garden," chapters 7 and 8. Here which were certainly known here long 
it may be remarked that Mr. Loudon in before, 
his " Encyclopaedia of Gardening" has 1 Dianthus Caryophyllus. 
attributed the introduction of many pot 



" of nine or ten severall colours, and divers of them as 
bigge as roses. Of all flowers (save the Damask rose) they 
are the most pleasant to sight and smell. Their use is 
much in ornament, and comforting the spirites, by the 
sence of smelling. " There was a variety of this flower 
well known in early times as the wall gilly-flower or bee- 
flower, "because growing in walles, even in winter, and 
good for Bees m ." The reserved rent, " unins clavi gario- 
fili" which is of such frequent occurrence in medieval deeds 
relating to land, meant simply the render of a gilly-flower, 
although it has been usually understood to signify the pay- 
ment of a clove of commerce ; the incorrectness of this 
reading must be apparent if it be recollected that the 
clove was scarcely known in Europe in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, when this kind of reserved rent was 
most common. 

Another flower of common growth in medieval orchards, 
or gardens, was the pervinke, or periwinkle ; 

" There sprang the violet all newe, 
And fresh pervinke, rich of hewe, 
And flowris yellow, white, and rede ; 
Such plente grew there nor in the mede." — Chaucer. 

As this plant will flower under the shade of trees or lofty 
walls, it was well adapted to ornament the securely en- 
closed, and possibly sombre, gardens of early times. 

From an early period the nurture of bees had occupied 
attention in England ; the numerous entries in Domesday 
in which honey is mentioned shew how much that product 
was employed for domestic purposes in the eleventh cen- 
tury. Among other uses to which it was applied was the 
making of beer or ale (cervisia.) When the duke of 
Saxony visited England in the reign of Henry the Second, 

m The " Country Housewife's Garden," p. 14. 



the sheriff of Hampshire had an allowance in his account 
for corn, barley, and honey which he had purchased to 
brew beer for the duke's use n . An apiary was generally 
attached to a medieval garden, and formed part of the 
stock, which according to the usage of early days, was 
sometimes let out to farm. In the fourteenth century an 
English writer, whom we have before quoted, observed that 
every hive of bees ought to yield, one with another, two of 
issue, as some yielded none and others three or four 
yearly °. In some places, he adds, bees have no food given 
to them during winter, but where they are fed a gallon of 
honey may suffice to feed eight hives yearly. He estimated 
that if the honey were taken only once in two years each 
hive would yield two gallons. 

It is not probable that much art was shewn in the lay- 
ing out of gardens or orchards before the fifteenth century. 
Water being an absolute necessity, every large garden 
would be supplied with a pond or well, and it appears from 
ancient illuminations that fountains, or conduits, often of 
elaborate design, were sometimes erected in the gardens of 
the wealthy. 

Our ancestors seem to have been very fond of the green- 
sward, and any resemblance to modern flower-beds is rarely 
seen in the illustrations of old manuscripts ; where flowers 
are represented so planted they are generally surrounded 
by a wattled fence. 

■ Madox's Hist, of the Exchequer. doune lorn, e la ou horn lour doune a 

" E chescoune rouche de eez deit manger si pount il pestre viij. rouches 

respoundre de deus rouches par an de tot le yver de un galon de mel par an. 

lour issue, lun parmy lautre. Kar acoune E si vous nel quillez fors en ij. aunz, si 

ne rent nule, e acoune iij. ou iiij. par an. averes ij. galouns de mel de chescoune 

E en acoun lu lour doune lorn a manger rouche." — Add. MS. 6159, fo. 220. 
rien de tout le iver, e en acou lu lour 




Although this building is now, and has been for some 
time, called a castle, it was known in the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries by the name of " Aydon Halle," as 
was also its dependent manor \ It is indeed only a border 
house carefully fortified. " The general plan is a long ir- 
regular line with two rather extensive enclosures or courts 
formed by walls, besides one smaller one within. On two 
sides is a steep ravine, on the others the outer wall has a 
kind of ditch but very shallow. The original chief entrance 
is yet by an external flight of steps, which had a covered 
roof to the upper story, and so far partaking of the features 
of the earlier houses : it contains at least four original fire- 
places. Some of the windows are square headed, with two 
lights \" The stable is remarkable for the total absence of 
wood in its construction, the mangers being of stone, and, 
as Hutchinson remarks, was evidently contrived for the 
preservation of cattle during an assault. The windows of 
the stable are small oblong apertures in the wall widely 
splayed internally and secured by iron bars. Among other 
details worthy of notice, is a good example of a drain. 
The number of fireplaces in this building may be attributed 

a Escaet. 43 Edw. III., no. 16, "ma- 
nerium de Ayden halle." It was then 
in the possession of Robert de Raymes 
or Ramsey. 

•> Mr. Twopeny, in " Glossary of 
Architecture," 5th edition, vol. i. p. 168. 
e History of Northumberland. 














i X 

j L 1 

i 1 M 

1— i A Ti 

1 J I H Id" 

1 71 


A. Back kitchen 

B. Kitchen 

C. Sitting Room 
D Parlour 

E. Dairy 

F Cellar 

G. Pantry 

H. Lumber bouse 
I Ditto. 

J Eovel arched with stone. 
K Hovel 

L Hovel arched with stone 
M Court yard 
N. Garden 
P Synke 

Q. R S, T D, V, X , buildings for farm pur- 

R.-ale 80 feet to an inch 







to its situation in a district where coal was dug, and easily 
procured, at the time of its construction. 

The manor of Aydon belonged, in the early part of the 
thirteenth century, to a family which derived its name from 
the place. The male line of the Ay dons failed in the time 
of Edward the First, who gave Emma de Aydon, the heiress 
of her family, in marriage to Peter de Vallibus d , by whom, 
it is probable, the present building was erected. It has 
been already observed that its date is late in the thirteenth 
century, and the period of the acquisition of the property 
by de Vallibus may be certainly placed after the year 1280. 
The subsequent descent of this estate is not very clear, nor 
is it material to the present purpose. In a list of the names 
of all the castles and towers in the county of Northumber- 
land, with the names of their proprietors, made about the 
year 1460 e , it is called the " castle of Aydon," and is 
described as being the joint property of Robert Raymese, 
or Ramsay, and Ralph de Grey. The Ramsays are said 
to have had a joint interest in it with the family of Carnaby 
until the time of Charles the First. Aydon castle is now 
the property of Sir Edward Blackett, of Matfen, Bart. It 
stands in a commanding position about five miles to the 
north-west of the town of Hexham, overlooking the pic- 
turesque valley of the Tyne. The tourist must not con- 
found this place with the manor of Haydon Bridge, once 
the seat of the Lucy's and Umfravilles, which lies to the 
west of Hexham. 

d " Peter de Vallibus tenet Ayden &c, 
adterminum vite sue." Testa de Nevill, 
p. 386. At a later time a moiety of the 
manor of Aydon was held by Richard de 
Gosebeke, in right of his wife. Inq. 

post mortem 9 Edw. I. no. 34. 

e Printed from a MS. in the posses- 
sion of R. Surtees, of Mainsforth, in 
Hodgson's History of Northumberland, 
vol. i. pt. 3. 



This building is part of an ancient manor-house which 
belonged to the Priors of Christ Church, Canterbury f . It 
is thus described by Hasted, the Kentish topographer ; 
" It appears to have been a large mansion formerly. The 
old hall of it is yet remaining, with the windows, door- 
cases, and chimnies of it, in the Gothic style. Over the 
porch, at the entrance of the house, is the effigies of the 
Prior, curiously carved in stone, sitting richly habited, with 
his mitre and pall, and his crozier in his left hand, his 
right lifted up in the act of benediction, and his sandals on 
his feet. This most probably represents Prior Chillenden s ." 
The hall and most of the principal apartments were taken 
down about the year 1810 \ The mouldings over that 
which was the entrance to the house in Iiasted's time 
belong so clearly to the style of the thirteenth century, the 
niche and figure being rather earlier in character, that it is 
impossible they could have been the work of Prior Chil- 
lenden in the time of Richard the Second. It is extremely 
probable that the existing remains are a portion of the 
work of Prior Henry, who, as it appears by his " Memo- 
riale," made considerable repairs in and additions to this 
house between the years 1289 and 1313. In the former 
year he built a new chapel with a garderobe, and an oriel ; 
in 1293 a new granary; in 1303 a new stable; and in 

f The manor of Godmersham was 
originally given to the priory of Christ 
Church, Canterbury, by Beornulph, king 
of Mercia, in 822, for the use of the re- 
fectory and the clothing of the monks. 
After it had been for some time alien- 
ated from the monastery, it was restored 
to it in 1036 by Archbishop Egelnoth. 
In the 38th of Edward the Third the 
prior had a grant of a weekly market 

here. In 30 Edward I. the prior of 
Christ Church had at Godmersham one 
messuage, 36 acres of land, one acre of 
meadow, and three and a half acres of 
wood. At the Dissolution this manor 
was granted to the dean and chapter of 

« History of Kent, vol. iii. p. 158. 

h Gentleman's Magazine, March 1810, 
vol. lxxx. p. 209. 





1313 a new solar, or upper chamber with a garderobe, 
looking southwards \ The chief features of the edifice as 
it now stands, are the moulded doorway already mentioned^ 
and a cylindrical chimney in the eastern gable, which is 
supported on heavy corbels, and apparently retains its 
original capping. 

This building is generally called the " Priory," possibly 
a corruption of " Priory-house," since it is certain there 
never was any ecclesiastical foundation on the spot. 


The history of this building is involved in great ob- 
scurity. In the year 1281 (9 Edw. I.), the manors of 
Great and Little Wenham, in the hundred of Samford, co. 
Suffolk, were held by Petronilla de Holbroke. The estate 
of Little Wenham was subsequently the seat of the family 
of Brew r s, whose descendants possessed it in the reign of 
Henry the Eighth k . 

The material of the walls of this house is chiefly brick, 
mixed in parts with flint. These bricks are mostly of the 
modern Elemish shape, but there are some of other forms 
and sizes, bearing a general resemblance to Roman bricks 
or tiles. The colour of the bricks varies considerably. The 
buttresses and dressings are of stone. 

The plan is a parallelogram, with a square tower at one 
angle : on the outside the scroll moulding is used as a 

1 " Godmeresham. Anno 1289, Nova E iv. fol. 105 b. 

capella cum garderoba et oriole, k Two knights banneret of this family 

xij.s.vj.d. Anno 1293, Nova granaria, are mentioned in the reign of Edward xviij.s. iij.d. Anno 1294, Nova ber- the First, Cole's MSS. vol. xxviii., p. 108. 

caria, viij.s. Anno 1303, novum stabu- See also Jermyn's Suffolk collections in 

lum, viij.s. iiij.d. Anno 1313, the British Museum (Add. MSS.) vol. 

novum solarium cum garderoba versus xxiii., f. 141. " Formerly the seat of the 

Suth', xix.s. ij.d." Memoriale Brews's, now of Thomas Thurston Esq." 

Henrici Prioris, MS. Cotton., Galba Kirby's Itinerary of Suffolk. 


string, and it is continued all round, shewing that the house 
is entire as originally built : at one angle, where the ex- 
ternal staircase was originally placed, some other building 
appears to have been added at a later period, though since 
removed : of this additional structure an Elizabethan door- 
way remains with an inscription built in above it. The 
ground room is vaulted with a groined vault of brick with 
stone ribs which are merely chamfered ; they are carried on 
semi-octagon shafts with plainly moulded capitals. The 
windows of this lower room are small plain lancets, widely 
splayed internally. 

The upper room has a plain timber roof, and the fire- 
place is blocked up. The windows have seats in them ; 
and at the end of the room near the door is a recess or 
niche forming a sort of cupboard. Both the house and 
the tower are covered with flat leaden roofs, having brick 
battlements all round, with a coping formed of moulded 
bricks or tiles, some of which are original, and others of 
the Elizabethan period. The tower is a story higher than 
the body of the house, and has a similar battlement and 
coping : the crenelles, which are at rather long intervals, 
are narrow with wide merlons between them. In one 
corner of the tower is a turret with a newel staircase. 

On the upper story of the projecting square tower is 
the chapel, which opens into the large room or hall at one 
corner. It is a small vaulted chamber : the east window 
is of three lights, with three foliated circles in the head, of 
Early English character : the north and south windows are 
small lancets widely splayed within : in the east jamb of 
the south window is a very good piscina with a detached 
shaft at the angle, the capital of which has good Early 
English mouldings : the basin is destroyed. On the north 
side of the altar-place is another niche like a piscina, but 
without any basin ; it has a trefoil head and a bold scroll 









A. Modern Window, walled up. B Original Door, walled up. C. Modern Door D. Chimney 



moulding for a hood terminated by masks. The vault is 
of a single bay with good ribs, of Early English character, 
springing from corbels, the two eastern being heads, the 
two western plain tongues. On each side of the east 
window is a bracket for an image. The west end of the 
chapel consists of a good Early English doorway, with a 
window on each side of it, of two lights with an octagonal 
shaft between them : the labels both of the door and 
windows are good scroll mouldings, that of the doorway 
terminated by bosses of foliage, those of the windows by 
masks. On the south side of the chapel is another small 
doorway opening to the staircase; opposite to this is a 
low side window, a small lancet with a dripstone like the 
others, internally it is widely splayed to a round arch ; it 
is situated close to the west wall of the chapel, and has an 
original wooden shutter. 

The church of Little Wenham partakes so much of the 
same features as the Hall, that there can be no doubt that 
whoever built the one erected the other. 


Formerly the residence of the family of St. John 1 ; the 
tower is the only part of this building remaining entire ; 
the hall being greatly altered : it still retains a good Early 
English window of two lights with trefoiled heads. 


This house is popularly known in the neighbourhood as 
the Monk's House. It is situated at Charney in the parish 

1 See Bridges' History of Northamp- would appear to have been called the 
tonshire, ii. p. 571. There is some New Manor; the seat of the St. Johns 
doubt as to the precise name of this was at the Old Manor, 
place, from the account of Bridges it 



of Longworth, near Wantage, in Berkshire, close to the 
small church or chapel of Charney, but has a private chapel 
of its own, though the church being older than the house, 
it must always have been side by side with it. This may 
perhaps be accounted for by the circumstance that it was a 
grange belonging to the abbey of Abingdon, and the occa- 
sional residence of the abbot m . 

It consisted of a hall and two transverse wings ; the front 
of the hall has been rebuilt and its place supplied by a 
modern building divided into several rooms, but the foun- 
dations and part of the back wall appear to be original ; it 
was about 36 feet by 17. The two wings are nearly per- 
fect, the front gables are on the same plane with the front 
of the hall, but they extend much farther backwards, and 
the south wing, which adjoins the church-yard, is length- 
ened still more by the addition of a chapel attached to the 
upper room at the east end, the principal front of the house 
facing the west. The place of the altar is quite distinct ; 
the piscina and locker remain ; the east window is of two 
lights, quite plain, the south window is a small lancet with 
a trefoil head, widely splayed ; the roof is modern. It is 
separated from the larger room by a stone wall, with a 
small doorway through it, and is itself so small (12 ft. 5 in. 
by 9 ft. 10 in.) that it appears to have been merely a private 
oratory for the abbot, or the two or three monks who 
usually inhabited the house. The whole of the details of 
this chapel, and of the rest of the original work in the 
house, belong to the latter part of the thirteenth century, 
the end of the reign of Henry the Third, or the beginning 
of that of Edward the First. The ground-floor of the south 
wing is divided into two rooms corresponding to the solar 

m It was probably at some time a resi- by one of tbat family to the monks of 
dence of the Bassets ; or it may have Abingdon, 
derived its name from having been given 







and chapel above, the larger room is 30 feet by 16, and has 
an original fire-place in it, the head of which is of the form 
so common at that period, called the square-headed trefoil ; 
and three original windows, two of them square-headed, 
the third at the east end, a double lancet ; it has a door 
into the court-yard, and had another into the hall. This 
room would appear to have been the kitchen, though the 
fire-place is scarcely large enough for very extensive cook- 
ing. The room under the chapel appears to have been 
a cellar, and is still used as such ; in place of windows 
it has small loops. 

The solar, or large room above, adjoining the chapel, has 
its original open timber roof, which although plain, is of 
good character ; it is canted, of seven cants, with tie-beam, 
king-post, and struts : the king-post is octagonal, with 
square abacus, and base, which sufficiently indicate its date. 
The entrance to the solar is by steps from the yard, and it 
appears always to have been external and in the same situa- 
tion, probably by a covered projecting staircase, opposite to 
one of the doors of the hall, traces of which still remain. 
The north wing has its walls nearly in their original state, 
though some windows and doors have been inserted, and 
the interior arrangements have been altered. In the west 
gable is a small quatrefoil window, or opening into the roof, 
and one of the upper rooms retains its original double lancet 
window ; there is also part of an original chimney, but the 
fire-place is of the fifteenth century. 


The oldest parts of St. John's Hospital appear to be of 
the date of the end of the thirteenth century, though a 
great part is much later. The east window of the chapel 
is of this date, and has geometrical intersecting tracery. 


The Master's house, which stands in a garden at a short 
distance from the Hospital, seems to be likewise of this 
date. It consists of a parallelogram standing east and 
west, with a square projection on the north side. The 
walls of this part appear to be original, but great altera- 
tions were made in the sixteenth century, particularly by 
an addition on the north side which contains the present 
staircase. The windows were almost entirely altered at 
that time, so that very little of original work can be dis- 
covered on the ground floor, but on the next story, and 
adjoining one of the principal rooms, is a closet only four 
feet wide, in which is a small plain lancet window, having 
a trefoil rear arch, springing on one side from the wall 
and supported on the other by a detached shaft, with a 
good moulded capital, and under the window is a square 
sink with a drain in the centre. 

The original roof still remains tolerably perfect over the 
principal part of the building. It is a king-post roof. The 
principals have a tie-beam and collar-beam, with semi- 
circular braces. The king-post, which has longitudinal and 
transverse struts or braces, and supports a longitudinal 
beam on which rests the collar-beam, is octagonal with 
moulded capitals and bases. All the common rafters have 
the circular braces resting on a kind of short hammer- 
beam, and giving the whole roof an appearance of uni- 
formity only broken at intervals by the king- posts, which 
has a very good effect. The longitudinal beam which lies 
on the top of the king-posts, seems to have been much 
used about this period ; we have the same thing occurring 
in the roof of the solar at Charney, and a little later in 
that of the Hall, at Sutton Courtenay. 

There are the remains of a curious painting of late date 
on the wall in the roof. 


03 S 

D ■< 

O M 

W H 

<o PS 

* 2 

oo ^ 

^ H 

tri <» 

O rfi 

2 S3 

<* a 

!r< O 

"3 & 
■on 3 

■2 d 





Stoke -Say, or Stoke castle, as it is sometimes called, is 
situate in a fine wooded valley, about seven miles north of 
Ludlow, on the road from that place to Shrewsbury. The 
building is in a tolerably entire state, but is completely 
uninhabited and occupied only as farm offices. 

The manor belonged to the family of Say, who held it 
under the Lacies n , to which last family it had reverted 
before 1273, the husband of the heiress of the Lacies 
dying possessed of it that year. It next passed to the 
Ludelawes or Ludlows, and in 1291 Laurence de Ludelawe 
obtained a licence to strengthen with a wall of stone and 
lime, and crenellate his mansion at Stoke-Say °. 

The buildings and court-yard are surrounded with a moat 
about 22 feet wide, and which comes up close to the walls 
of the house ; the only entrance being by a gate-house into 
the court-yard. The present gate-house is a rich specimen 
of Elizabethan timber-work. 

The court-yard is of an irregular oblong form. It for- 
merly contained a covered well at the south-east and 
various buildings on the north side, now destroyed. On 
the west side of it, opposite the gateway, stands the 
house, which has a remarkably imposing appearance, hav- 
ing at the south end a singular tower, which is connected 

n " Walterus de Say [tenet] quatuor 
feoda in Northstoke, Suthstoke." Testa 
de Nevill. 

° Laurence de Ludlow had licence to 
crenellate his mansion of Stoke-Say, in 
1291. Rot. Pat. 19 Ed. I., m. 2. 

Pro Laurencio de Ludelawe. 

Rex omnibus ballivis et fidelibus suis 
ad quos &c. : salutem. Sciatis quod 
concessimus pro nobis et l.eredibus nos- 

tras dilecto nobis Laurencio de Lodelawe 
quod ipse mansum suum de Stok Say in 
comitatu Salop muro de petra et calce 
firmare et kernellare, et illud sic firma- 
tum et kernellatum tenere possit sibi et 
heredibus suis imperpetuum, sine occa- 
sione nostri vel heredum nostrorum aut 
ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque. 
In cujus &c. Teste Rege, apud Here- 
ford, xix. die Octobris. 


by a covered passage with the main building, which con- 
tains the hall in the centre, and other apartments at each 

The tower which is well proportioned and has a com- 
manding appearance on the exterior, is of very unusual 
form in its plan. It is an irregular polygon, present- 
ing on the exterior the appearance of a double octagonal 
tower. It is of three stories, lighted by single or double 
lancet windows and surmounted by a battlemented para- 
pet, pierced with loop-holes. The roof is conical, and 
there are two original circular chimneys on the south side. 
The lower story is of very irregular form internally, the 
openings of the windows being, for the purpose of defence, 
placed obliquely to the wall, so as to prevent as far as pos- 
sible the shooting of arrows into the interior of the room. 
There is a large original fire-place in this room. The 
entrance is from the court-yard, and is protected by two 
large and strong buttresses. This story has been con- 
nected with the main building by a covered passage on 
the west side. 

A staircase in the wall leads to the next story, which had 
also an external entrance which communicated, as will be seen 
afterwards, with the principal apartments and hall in the 
main building. Above this is a third story, of which the 
floors have been destroyed by fire, but it is described as 
having had three small rooms. 

The rooms on these two stories are lighted by windows 
which have seats in the sills, and have had shutters inside. 
The staircase is continued to the top of the turret, where 
there is a small closet. The whole of the apertures in the 
tower, including the loop-holes in the parapet have had 
interior shutters, the hinges and catches of which still re- 
main in many of them. 

Of the main building, the centre and principal part is 


TOWER, (From the exterior,) 



occupied in its whole height and width by the hall, which 
is in the interior 51 ft. by 31. It is lighted on the west side 
by four large windows over the moat, and on the east by 
three large ones, and a shorter one which is placed over the 
entrance doorway, but is now blocked on the outside p . 
They are transomed, of two lights, with a plain circle in 
the head. The lights are trefoiled with early soffit cusping. 
They have had glass in the lights above the transoms, but 
only shutters below. They are all furnished with seats. 
Externally there is a gable to each window. The hall is 
covered with a very strong double collar-beam roof having 
curved collar-braces and resting on large upright stone 
corbels with good Early English mouldings. 

The principal entrance to the Hall is at the north end 
by a large arched doorway from the court-yard. 

At the south end of the hall is a square trefoil-headed 
doorway which leads to the lower apartments of that wing, 
and through them to the passage communicating with the 
tower; there is also from this door an external staircase, 
which led to the principal apartment or solar, and from 
this place it is evident from the marks of roofs on the wall 
that a communication once existed with the door of the 
second story of the tower, as may be seen in the general 
view. This apartment, which has two small openings look- 
ing into the hall, is now wainscoted, and has an elaborately 
carved chimney-piece of sixteenth or seventeenth century 
date. It is lighted by a large window, similar to, and cor- 
responding with those of the hall, and there is a similar 
one on the west side. Between the window on the east 
side, and the hall windows, are two small windows or open- 
ings, one a trefoiled lancet and the other ogee-headed, 
the uses of which have not been ascertained. The door 
leading into this apartment and also those of the hall, are 

p It is opened in the view given. 


square-headed trefoils. This room communicated with 
other apartments and a closet ; underneath are other 
rooms, one of which is a cellar. 

At the other end of the hall is a staircase of solid timber 
which leads to the apartments of the north wing, and ter- 
minates in a large landing, or platform, from which a 
door opens into the apartment containing the fire-place 
here engraved : the external part of this room is of timber, 
but it rests on the solid masonry of the projecting tower 
below. The principal part of the ground floor of this wing 
is occupied by a large room now used as a cellar, and which 
was probably intended for that purpose • and a tower pro- 
jecting from it into the moat, having very thick walls, and 
measuring 14 feet on the outside, and not quite 7 within. 
It, as well as the cellar, is lighted with narrow windows 
or loops, which were evidently intended for defence. The 
room over these is also lighted in the same manner, but 
the one in the story above is of timber with large windows. 
It projects over the stone-work, and is supported by brackets 
resting on stone corbels. In this room is the fire-place al- 
ready mentioned, and which has an original octagonal chim- 
ney over it. 

Altogether this is one of the most perfect and interesting 
thirteenth century buildings which we possess, and deserves 
a much more careful examination of the uses of its parts 
than it has yet received. 

On comparing it with the neighbouring mansion of 
Acton Burnell, it offers some curious considerations. The 
licence to crenellate Acton Burnell was obtained in 1284, 
and that for Stoke-Say in 1291 j but the style of Acton 
Burnell is much later than that of Stoke-Say. Both have 
transomed windows, but at Acton Burnell the heads are 
filled with true bar-tracery, with foliated spherical triangles, 
while at Stoke-Say the head is of solid plate tracery with 










a plain circle, the lights being trefoiled, with early soffit 
cusping. The only way of accounting for the difference 
of the two is by supposing the hall itself belongs to an 
older building, and that when the licence to crenellate was 
obtained, the tower (which presents no feature earlier than 
the date of the licence) and the opposite end, as well as 
the moat and the original wall of the court-yard, of which 
some fragments remain, were added to it. At all events 
this is a suggestion worth attending to, and which there 
are good grounds for believing that future observations 
would confirm. 

This description is from notes and sketches made in 
June 1845. 


This manor was the property of the Greys of Rother- 
field ; " Robert Grey had the Barony of Coges near Whit- 
ney, by the gift of his uncle Walter de Grey, archbishop 
of York q ." The manor-house is partly of the thirteenth 
century; the side of it next the garden, in which there 
are two good Early English windows, is clearly of that date, 
and it is probable that some of the other walls are also 
original; but the house was partly rebuilt in the Eliza- 
bethan period, and alterations still more recent have been 


Cottesford is a small secluded village consisting of very 
few houses, and lying about five or six miles north of 

The original plan of the manor-house of Cottesford, as 

q Kennett's Parochial Antiquities, p. Cogges, and there was on the same a 
324, ed. 1695. In 5 Edward II. John chief messuage, with a garden, valued 
de Grey was seised of the manor of at 4s. yearly. Esc. 5 Edw. II. no. 61. 



far as it can now be made out, was a parallelogram with 
two, or probably three square projections at the back. The 
ground-floor consists of two large rooms, one of which to 
the north is the kitchen, and the other the hall or common 
living room. The two projections contain the cellar and 
larder at present, though the one to the north-west was 
probably originally used for a different purpose. These are 
lighted by small narrow square-headed windows, which are 
evidently original. In the hall is a large open fire-place 
with a projecting hood. In the kitchen are two fire-places 
and the oven ; the general thickness of the walls is two feet 
six inches. At the south end an addition containing the 
parlour has been added in comparatively modern times. 

The first floor presents nothing remarkable but a small 
closet about six feet square in the north-west projection, 
and which adjoins one of the bed-rooms. In this there is 
a small window looking to the north, and under it a kind 
of projecting bench, on which is fixed a stone drain one 
foot eight inches in length by ten inches deep, and which 
has evidently been intended for pouring away refuse water, 
&c. The outside of the wall is here covered with ivy, 
so that the external part of the drain cannot be seen. 
From the door of this closet a small narrow wooden stair- 
case leads into the attics which are in the roof. This 
is very strong and massive, with tie-beams and queen-posts, 
and appears to be of the date of the sixteenth or seven- 
teenth century, at which time many important alterations 
were made in the house. In the northernmost of the attics 
is the window shewn in the plate, which has had internal 
shutters and bolts. The principal stairs are at the south- 
east angle of the building, and lead out of the hall. 

Externally the only parts which have preserved their 
original character are the north end and back, the front 
having been almost entirely altered, only one of the small 






square windows before mentioned, remaining to shew that 
the wall itself is original. The whole of the windows of 
the front, including those in the attic, appear to have been 
inserted at the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the 
seventeenth century. They are large, with wooden mullions 
and transoms. The front and ends were at that time also, 
plastered and ornamented with pargetting work. 

The chief objects of interest on the exterior are the attic 
window on the north end before mentioned, and the chim- 
ney on the north-west projection. The window appears to 
be of transition work of the end of the twelfth or beginning 
of the thirteenth century, and consists of two round-headed 
lights divided by a shaft. The capital is square on the 
abacus, but cut down below to the shape of the shaft, (which 
is octagonal,) and appears to have been ornamented at the 
angles with plain broad foliage. This window, as men- 
tioned before, had internal shutters and bolts. The date 
here given seems to be that of the older parts of the build- 
ing, but the chimney just mentioned seems to be of the 
fourteenth century. It is octagonal, standing on a square 
base, and is crested with battlements, the flue belonging to 
it is carried down the interior of the wall into one of the 
lower stories, but the fire-place being destroyed it is not 
possible now to say which. On the first floor of the middle 
projection is a small window of fifteenth century date, and 
now blocked up. 

There is no appearance of a chapel having been attached 
to the house, but the near proximity of the parish church 
would render that appendage unnecessary. 


The old parsonage at West Tarring is in part of this 
century ; it has however undergone so much alteration that 


its real age is only apparent upon entering it, as externally 
it presents all the appearance of a building of the fifteenth 
century. As it now stands the house consists of a hall 
of the fifteenth century running east and west, and of a 
building attached to the east end of the hall, and at right 
angles to it. This is of two stories, and was either the 
solar of a thirteenth century house, or possibly the entire 
house. In plan it is oblong, no original divisions of the 
interior remain. The ground floor does not seem to have 
been vaulted, all the original windows have been destroyed. 
The upper story had two doors, both now built up, one on 
the east, the other on the west side, the latter seems to 
have been the principal one, and had shafts on the outside ; 
both are placed near the south end. At each end is a large 
two-light window, now filled with perpendicular tracery, 
but in the jambs of which remain shafts with foliaged 
capitals of good Early English work. 

The Early English portions of this house have the jambs, 
quoins, and other cut stones of Caen stone, in the Per- 
pendicular parts the Southbourn stone is used. 


The archdeacon's house in the Close is in part composed 
of a hall of this century ; the north side of this, which is 
the least altered, has a handsome door, with shafts at its 
west end, immediately east of this a very large chimney 
projects from the wall, and beyond are two large windows 
each of two lights unfoliated, and with a plain circle above 

The interior is divided by modern partitions, but the 
wall separating the hall from the kitchen or buttery re- 
mains, and is pierced by two circular- headed arches. 




The remains of the manor-house here are, though small, 
of remarkably good character, and of some interest. They 
consist of portions of a building running east and west, and 
measuring internally 40 ft. by 23, and of a porch attached 
to the south-east angle. The building was of two stories, 
the lower one vaulted, the windows were narrow lancets. 
The only part of the walls of the upper room which re- 
main is the eastern gable. In this is a large window of 
two unfoliated lights, with a plain circle above them. The 
mouldings of this window are particularly rich. 

The porch is also groined, and has a handsomely moulded 
internal door. There was a small room over it, very pos- 
sibly a chapel. 

As in the case of Tarring it does not seem easy to deter- 
mine whether what now remains constituted the whole 
house, or whether there was a hall on the south side of the 
existing remains, which may have been merely the chamber 
or solar. 

bishop's palace, wells. 

The parts of the palace at Wells which belong to the 
thirteenth century are perhaps the finest remains of the 
Domestic Architecture of the period which we possess. 
They are of two periods, the long room or gallery with 
a vaulted groined floor being of decided Early English 
character, while the great hall and chapel are of early 
Decorated character, and are supposed to have been con- 
structed between 1275 and 1302. 

The earlier portion is a building about 80 ft. by 40. 
The ground floor has a groined vault resting on two ranges 


of columns. The windows are lancets of moderate size, 
but this story does not seem to have been originally in- 
tended to be dwelt in. In later times a wall has been 
built along one row of the columns, so as to part off a long 
narrow passage, and in this a handsome fire-place of the 
fifteenth century has been placed. The staircase is modern, 
and it does not appear how the original stair was arranged. 
The upper story is chiefly occupied by one large room, 
with windows on each side, these are large, of two lights, 
with the heads trefoiled, and with a quatrefoil above them. 
The scoinson arch is trefoiled, and the jambs have marble 
shafts, with capitals of fine Early English foliage. A part 
only of the windows are ancient, the others being modern 
copies of the old ones. This building runs nearly north 
and south, its northern end is joined on to some later parts 
of the palace, the southern end finishes with two gables, 
one of which has a window similar to those in the first 
floor, the other a large quatrefoil window. Between these 
gables is a chimney with a circular shaft, which seems to 
be original. All this building has undergone a complete 
repair, in the course of which considerable alterations and 
additions have been made to it. 

Attached to the south-west angle of this building and 
communicating with it by a doorway is the chapel, a noble 
specimen of a Domestic chapel. It has a large six-light 
window in the east end, and three three-light windows on 
each side, the tracery of these is very fine. Under the 
middle window on the south side is a small " low-side 
window/' There is a very fine groined roof, with nume- 
rous beautifully carved bosses. 

The hall is in ruins, only the north side, the west end, 
and an octagonal turret which formed the south-east angle 
remaining. It was a magnificent room, 120 ft. by 70, with 
windows in the side. At each angle is an octagonal turret, 


with a stair which leads to the battlements. It is joined to 
the south-west angle of the chapel. 

The windows are of two lights, with transoms ; in the 
head is some elegant tracery, the highest part of which is 


Although called a castle this building seems to have 
had no pretensions to the character of a place of strength. 
It is surrounded by a moat, which washes the walls in one 
part, and consists of two portions, one more than twice as 
long as the other ; these meet at a right angle, and at this 
corner is a small round tower. In the centre of the longer 
wing is the gateway which leads completely through the 
house without doors on either side, the entrance to the in- 
terior is by a door in the re-entering angle at the junction 
of the two wings of the building. The greater part of the 
house has only two stories, but over the gateway there is a 
third, so as to form a sort of tower. The round tower has 
also a third story. These towers are both finished with a 
plain parapet, and do not seem to have been embattled. 
Those windows which remain on the ground floor are small, 
those of the upper story are all alike, of one light with a 
transom, the heads have the form which has been called 
a square-headed trefoil. The whole interior has been 
modernised, and little or nothing can now be ascertained 
of the internal arrangement ; the exterior is in a very un- 
altered condition ; with the exception that the upper story 
of the part south of the gateway has been lowered. 

The space enclosed within the moat is of a nearly square 
form, the house occupies one side of this and a part of 
another. It seems not unlikely that the quadrangle may 
have been completed by offices built of wood and plaster, 


as in the mote at Ightham. From the character of the 
mouldings this building seems to belong to the latter part 
of this century. 


"Adjoining the church-yard stands the parsonage house, 
a small building of great antiquity, having small trefoil- 
headed windows, &c. The interior presents various gothic 
arches &c, and there is a curious winding stone staircase 
leading to the second floor, exactly similar to those in the 
tower of most churches r ." 


Acton Burnell is a pleasant village, having a very in- 
teresting cruciform Early English church, and is situate 
about seven miles south of Shrewsbury, and within a short 
distance of Caer Carador, where Caractacus made his last 
stand against the Romans. 

The castle, or rather the manor-house, is situate in the 
grounds of Sir E. J. Smythe, Bart., and the interior has been 
entirely converted into stables and other farm buildings. 

The history of this building has been given by the Rev. 
C. H. Hartshorne in the Archaeological Journal, vol. ii. 
p. 325, so that there can be no doubt of the date of its 
erection. Acton Burnell it seems belonged to Robert 
Burnell, who, in the reign of Henry III., was tutor to the 
prince, afterwards Edward I., and resided here, where he 
had a house and a park, and procured the privilege of a 
market and fair for his manor. On the accession of 
Edward I. he was elected bishop of Bath and Wells, and 
made lord high chancellor and treasurer, and in the twelfth 
year of that reign, 1284, he obtained of the king licence to 

r Horsfield's Sussex, vol. i. p. 282. 



strengthen with a wall of stone and lime, and crenellate his 
mansion at Acton Burnell, and also a licence to cut timber 
in the king's forests for the building. It seems, therefore, 
that the old mansion was pulled down and the present one 
erected between this date and 1292, the time of the bishop's 
death. The only remains of the original buildings are the 
two ends of the barn, which will be mentioned afterwards, 
and which stand in the park at some distance from the 

This date therefore clearly brings the building within 
the thirteenth century, though its style is later than that 
which we usually consider as belonging to the period. 
The words " Early English" and " thirteenth century," 
when applied to architecture, are frequently taken to be 
synonymous, but it should be recollected that the portion 
of the Decorated style which is known as " Geometrical," 
was introduced in the reign of Edward I. ; and, therefore, 
that the buildings of that style which exhibit a transition 
from the Early English to the Decorated, and pass gradu- 
ally into the latter, belong, in almost all instances, to the 
last half of the thirteenth century, some few only being of 
the beginning of the fourteenth. A very conclusive body 
of evidence on this point is given by Mr. J. H. Parker, in 
a paper on Merton College chapel, Oxford, in the second 
volume of the Archaeological Journal, p. 137. 

The style of Acton Burnell is further removed from 
Early English than we usually find at this date. The form 
of the tracery of the windows is geometrical, but the 
mouldings somewhat resemble those of a more advanced 
period of Decorated ; the deep hollows, and doubly, or 
triply, filleted rounds which are so characteristic of the 
geometrical style are not found here, the mullions and tra- 
cery having merely a simple round and fillet. 

Bishop Burnell built also the episcopal palace at Wells, 


the hall of which is still remaining. The windows of both 
have transoms, a common feature of domestic architecture 
at this period, though of very unusual occurrence in eccle- 
siastical. The use of transoms in the large windows of 
halls was doubtless owing to the convenience of having 
shutters to the lower lights, which is well shewn at Stoke- 

Between the two buildings of Wells and Acton Burnell 
there is a great general resemblance, though that of Wells 
is decidedly of a more geometrical character • the tracery 
is more elaborate, the mouldings have more numerous 
members, and the whole exhibits that superiority of work- 
manship and finish which might be thought necessary to 
mark the distinction between the principal palace of the 
bishop and his country residence. 

The general form of the house at Acton Burnell is a 
parallelogram measuring about ninety-five feet by sixty, 
and having a small square tower at each angle. These 
towers are now the only parts of the place which can be 
clearly made out ; the whole of the rest of the interior 
having been destroyed to make room for stables, &c. The 
walls of the towers are thick, and those on the west are 
lighted by small narrow square-headed windows. The one 
on the north-east seems to have contained the staircase 
leading to the hall, and the opposite one at the north-west 
a staircase leading to the other parts of the building, and 
there is also a doorway from it to the roof. The build- 
ing in general seems to have had three stories, but on 
the north side the two upper ones were occupied by the 
hall, the extent of which may be ascertained by the re- 
mains of doorways in the walls ; by careful measurement 
its size appears to have been fifty feet by twenty-four * it 
communicated with small rooms at each end. It was 
lighted by three large transomed windows of two lights, 





A. Hall, 50 ft by 24 

B. North-eastern tower. 

C South-western tower 

D. Square-headed window shewn in woodcut 





Shewing also the lower story and one of the windows of the hall 




interior of door a.nd window, north side (Blocked externally.) 

The whole of the windows in the lower story under the hall were of this character. 



having spherical triangles in the head, but the dripstones 
are wanting, and have probably been destroyed. There is 
also a large window in the small apartment adjoining the 
hall on the north-east. All the windows have seats in 
the jambs. The upper part of the south side has been 
modernized, and roofed to serve as a barn, but as it is 
more than probable that a chapel was attached to the 
bishop's residence, this would most likely be its situation. 
The west side, the centre portion of which projects as far 
as the towers, was occupied by domestic offices. The prin- 
cipal front and entrance was on the east side, but it is so 
entirely clothed with ivy that it is difficult to make out its 
original design. It had in the lower story a doorway with 
a window on each side, and similar windows in the upper 
story, between which a niche with a pedimental canopy is 
still visible in the midst of the ivy. It is to be regretted 
that the ivy is allowed to cover it so entirely as to prevent 
its parts being seen, as it is, doubtless, a valuable example 
of a front of this period. 

The barn, which stands at a short distance to the north- 
east of the house, as mentioned before, and of which the 
two gables only remain, evidently belonged to the earlier 
building. The side walls are very low, and the roof enor- 
mously high, and of very acute pitch ; this, with the narrow 
slits and windows with which it was lighted, shew clearly 
the purpose for which it was intended. The narrow slits 
or loops are square-headed on the outside, but in the in- 
terior are of that form called the square-headed trefoil. 

A parliament was summoned by Edward I. at Acton 
Burnell in 1283, and tradition assigns the barn as the 
building in which the meeting of the House of Commons 
was held. Its age and size, the distance between the 
gables being 157 feet and the width of the gables 40 feet, 
render it possible that tradition may be right. That the 


parliament could not have been held in the present house 
is clear, as that was not commenced until the year after, 
but it might have been held in the old house. 

These notes and the accompanying illustrations relate to 
the buildings as they appeared in June, 1845. 


Anthony de Bek, the favourite of Edward the First, 
obtained the royal licence to crenellate his dwelling house 
at Somerton in the county of Lincoln, in the year 1281 s . 
The castle was originally a quadrangular building, with 
four towers, of a circular form externally, and polygonal 
within; their several positions are shewn in the ground- 
plan. There is however considerable difficulty in making 
out the complete design of the building, particularly with 
respect to its out- works. The principal entrance was, pro- 
bably, on the south side, just beyond the west end of the 
present house, but all remains of the gate-house, towers, or 
bridge are obliterated. A moat surrounded the castle, 
running close to the east, south, and west sides ; but 
extending to a much greater distance towards the north, 
where there is a large piece of ground, now cultivated, 
within the moat, beyond the castle. The east and west 
sides are flanked by two large pools, with strong banks, 
about twice the breadth of the inner moat. These pools, 
or outer moats, are quite separate from the inner moat, 
and at their north ends extend a little beyond the north- 
ern towers of the castle. There is now a road across the 
whole area. 

The court of the castle is cut up by brick walls, barns, 
&c. The north-west tower has been totally destroyed ; 

9 Rot. Pat. 9 Edw. I., m. 17. 





that on the south-west is now inclosed in a fold-yard ; the 
ground room of the lower has been preserved, and is a 

A. Mound planted with trees. B. Part of the bank of the moat. CC. Moat. 

very curious specimen, resembling a small chapter-house: 
the form is polygonal, and the vault is carried on a central 
shaft, from which the ribs spring, and are carried at the 
opposite end on corbels in the angles of the external wall : 
in each bay is a small single-light window, now blocked 
up : these and the mouldings of the ribs and the corbels 
are of Early English character, late in the style. Parts 
of the south and west moats have been filled up and 
levelled, in order to form the fold-yard in that quarter. 
The buildings of this edifice seem to have been similar 
in plan to those of Maxstoke castle, in Warwickshire, and 
Wingfield castle, in Suffolk*. 


The ancient manor-house of Soar, in the hamlet of Plax- 
tool, parish of Wrotham, Kent, was formerly the seat of 
the family of Colepeper of Preston, near Aylesford. Hasted 

These notes were obligingly supplied by E. J. Willson, Esq., of Lincoln. 


the Kentish historian says, that the ancient and remarkable 
chapel still remaining in this house, " was probably made 
use of by the inhabitants of this district in general, before 
the present chapel of Plaxtool was erected 11 ." 

The ancient part of the house, which is that represented 
in the plans, consists of an oblong building running nearly 
east and w T est and of two lesser ones attached to the north- 
east and north-west angles. The whole is of two stories ; 
the ground floor of the larger building is covered by a very 
massive pointed (not groined) vault : at its east end is a 
large door opening to the exterior, at the west end a small 
one opening to the stair, which leads to the upper story. 
The ground-floors of the other parts of the house have each 
a door to the outside, but no communication with the inte- 
rior of the house ; the windows on this floor seem to have 
been all mere loops. The upper story is reached by a 
stone turnpike stair at the south-west angle of the princi- 
pal building, partly contained in a semicircular projecting 
turret. The head of this stair is within the large upper 
room, and was closed by a door, which when open, fell into 
a recess prepared for it in the wall. At the foot of the 
stair is a door on each side, one opening to the vaulted 
lower story, the other to the modern part of the house ; it 
is not easy to determine, whether the house originally ex- 
tended on this side or not. The door certainly does not 
look like an external one in its present state, but it may 
perhaps have been covered by a porch. By its side is a 
short shaft, resting on a corbel about 5 ft. from the ground, 
with a foliated capital supporting a block of stone ; the use 
of this, and indeed whether it is in its original position, 
does not seem clear. The principal room is 25 ft. by 20; it 
has a fire-place in the north wall, the hearth -stone remains, 
but the jambs and hood are mutilated ; this is the only 

■ History of Kent, vol ii. p. 241. 



OLD SOAR. 175 

fire-place of which there are any remains in the building. 
Opposite to the fire-place is a door now built up. There 
are two small lockers, one near the fire-place, the other in 
the opposite wall. This room was lit by a long, probably 
two-light, window in each end, and two small windows on 
each side of the fire-place, one of them has a straight trefoil 
head externally. The windows at the ends have seats in 
their sills. The roof is apparently original ; it has tie- 
beams and king-posts with moulded caps. The tracery 
has been knocked out of the windows. 

The room at the north-east angle probably served as the 
chapel, as in its south wall there remains a small though 
elegant piscina. This room is entered by a doorway set 
diagonally, and close to this is either a small door to the 
outside or a window ; if the former it is not easy to see how 
it was reached from the outside, if the latter the sill is un- 
usually low. In the east wall was a large window now con- 
verted into a door. A foliated capital remains on one side. 

The room at the north-west angle is also entered by a 
doorway set diagonally j it has no other windows than four 
cross loops, one on each side. It may have been con- 
structed partly with a view to defence, as it effectually 
flanks two sides of the building. 

But little remains which may serve to indicate the date ; 
the drip-moulding of the windows has notch-head corbels, 
and the foliage of the capitals which remain is of an early 
character; the section of the mouldings corresponds in 
indicating a date not far from 1300. The piscina in the 
chapel is cinque-foiled, and seems later in date. 


The history of this fine building, almost the only existing 
relic of the ancient palace and castle at Winchester, has 


been ably illustrated by Mr. E. Smirke, in an essay printed 
in the " Proceedings of the Archaeological Institute at Win- 
chester, in 1845." It appears that this hall was com- 
menced by Henry the Third, in the year 1222 ; master 
Elias of Dereham was the architect, who superintended its 
construction. It seems to have been completed by the year 
1235-6, when the wooden roof was put up; glazed frames 
were made for the windows and the room itself was white- 
washed and painted. Numerous directions relative to the 
works done in the hall at Winchester, are given among the 
" Historical Illustrations," in the succeeding chapter. 

The present entrance to the hall is not the original one ; 
that, wherever it may have been situated, was made suffi- 
ciently wide to admit of the passage of carts x ; and it had, 
in the thirteenth century, a large external porch. In plan, 
the hall by its division into a central and two side aisles, 
bears a strict resemblance to that of Oakham, and to the 
general design of Norman structures of the same nature. 
Some doubt has been thrown upon the antiquity of the 
lateral windows of the building, but it is most probable 
that they are of the same date as its earliest details. 
It is certain that Henry the Third ordered the windows 
in his private chamber at Winchester to be made on 
the same plan as those in the hall. On a careful consider- 
ation of the existing documents relating to its construction, 
it would appear that there is no sufficient ground for attri- 
buting the windows to a later period than the first half of 
the thirteenth century ; they may therefore be pronounced 
the earliest examples of that particular kind of tracery, 
now extant. 

Repairs and alterations were made in the hall in the time 
of Edward the First; and subsequently extensive works, 
chiefly in the roof, were completed in the reigns of Richard 

* See p. 243. 











Klevation of Inside of South Doorway, wiuh 
section of Archivolt Mouldings 

Section above Cap Plan of Column 




the Second and Henry the Sixth ; the bosses of the roof 
prove also that further alterations were made in the time of 
Edward the Fourth. All these facts are detailed in Mr. 
Smirke's valuable paper. 


There are considerable remains of the domestic build- 
ings of the Priory, amongst which may be noticed the 
present Deanery, formerly the prior's house; it has 
three external arches and a vaulted passage of the time 
of Henry III. 

The arches are very acute and without shafts; they 
were originally all open, forming a sort of vestibule to the 
house, and were probably connected with the cloisters. In 
the spandrels of the arches are narrow lancet niches, with 
the brackets for images remaining, and the arches are 
flanked by the original buttresses on each side. 

The hall is of the fifteenth century, with a fine roof and 
windows, but it is now divided into several apartments. 
The construction of the roof is very simple but very good ; 
each pair of principals is supported by a wooden arch spring- 
ing from corbels, about two feet below the wall-plate, these 
corbels are carved into heads, some of which appear to be 
intended as portraits of a particular bishop. At the point 
of this arch is a collar-beam connected with it, and with 
two braces meeting in the centre, by which means the 
whole frame or truss is well tied together, and there is 
scarcely any more thrust upon the walls than there would 
if there was a tie-beam as in modern roofs. 

The windows are lofty, divided by a transom, and have 
the customary seats formed in the sill. 

a a 


On the west side of the Close, under the house of one of 
the canons, are some vaulted apartments, which appear to 
have formed the substructure of another hall, said to have 
been the Refectory, or Strangers' hall, belonging to the 
priory ; the roof of it may still be traced. The pillars 
which support the vault are plain round, with moulded 
capitals and bases of Early English character ; one of them 
is of slender proportions, the others are massive. In the 
front part of this vaulted substructure, now used as a 
kitchen, are the two stone legs of a table of the thirteenth 
century, which are ornamented with good bold sculpture 
and sunk panels ; the top is at present formed of an oak 
slab of considerable age, but probably not the original one. 
As there is no original fire-place or chimney, there is no 
evidence that this room was designed for a kitchen. In one 
of the other rooms a late Perpendicular fire-place has been 
inserted, and there are remains of early painting on the 
vault. The whole of the walls of the house containing this 
kitchen are of the thirteenth century, as will be seen by the 
elevations. In the gable of the south end is an elegant 
rose window, and under it the remains of another larger 
window. On the ground-floor is an arch, which formerly 
opened into the kitchen, and formed the original doorway ; 
the small doorway now used being evidently made out of a 
window of the same form as the one still remaining in the 
east front. 


The house, from which the doorway here given is taken, 
stands in a street leading towards the church, at a short 
distance from the market place. It has been very much 








altered, but retains some original features. The plan seems 
to have been much the same as that of the house at Char- 
ney ; that is, a hall occupying the centre, and a wing at 
each end projecting backward, but in front forming a part 
of the same line as the hall ; but great additions have been 
made to it in the fifteenth or sixteenth century. The 
eastern wing, which now projects considerably in front, 
contains a remarkable square double window of that pe- 

The principal parts of the original building which still 
remain, are the principal doorway and the drain inside, of 
which engravings are given. The arch is pointed and has 
very good Early English mouldings ; the jambs have at- 
tached shafts with plain moulded capitals. The dripstone 
is terminated at one end by a female head and at the other 
by that of a king having the short beard, hair and crown 
of Henry III. Erom this door is a passage through to the 
back of the house, on the right of which was doubtless 
the screen of the hall, and on the left the entrance to the 
kitchen. In this last wall there is still remaining a small 
arched recess, 2 ft. 4 in. wide, 2 ft. 5 in. high, and 1 ft. 7 in. 
deep, containing a drain which projects from the wall in the 
manner of a piscina, the corner of which is ornamented 
with a rose and two varieties of a kind of tooth ornament. 
The slab is sunk from all four sides to the centre, where 
there is a human head in relief, and under it four holes for 
carrying off the water. At the point of the arch is a small 
staple to which something has been suspended. Some 
years since, the back of the wall was removed in order 
to ascertain how the water was carried off ; when a pipe 
communicating with a leaden cistern much decayed was 
discovered. The use of these drains, of which other ex- 
amples occur, has not been ascertained, but it seems very 
probable that they were for the convenience of the guests' 


washing their hands before they went into the hall, and if 
so, the staple above might be for suspending a chained 
dish, or for hanging a towel. 


The prebendal house at Thame was a few years ago a 
very perfect and interesting specimen of a moderate sized 
dwelling-house of the thirteenth century. But it has re- 
cently been converted into a modern residence, and has 
entirely lost its original character. The chapel, with the 
triplet of lancet windows at the east end, has however been 


Near the town-hall is a good doorway, with bold mould- 
ings, and the tooth ornament : the rest of the house is 


There is a singular curiosity here, a wooden doorway to 
a barn, with the tooth ornament cut in wood. 


Near the church is a small house, said to have been the 
old manor-house, the walls of which appear to be of the 
thirteenth century, though most of the windows are inser- 
tions of a comparatively late period. Two of the original 
lancet-windows remain, and the doorway is a good exam- 
ple of the commencement of the thirteenth century, with 
the tooth-ornament, and early mouldings, partaking of the 
transition Norman character. 





m ■ 

Impost of door Base of window-shaft Mullion. Capital of window-shaft. Window-head. 


i :r,i, : : t . i:„ 





Arch mouldings 









The contents of this chapter are principally derived from 
an invaluable series of records, called the " Liberate Rolls/ ' 
preserved in the Tower of London ; but a few of the docu- 
ments have been taken from the Close Rolls. These au- 
thorities had, hitherto, escaped the notice of all previous 
writers on architectural history, although a few extracts 
from them, relating to painting in England, were printed 
by Horace Walpole a ; and, more recently, the whole of the 
passages illustrating that department of art were pub- 
lished, in the original Latin, by Sir Charles L. Eastlake b . 

The following pages comprise all the really important 
documents, referring to the architectural works executed 
by order of Henry the Third, which are to be found in 
the records alluded to. It was considered advisable to 
present them to the reader in an English form c ; but 
whenever a word of doubtful import occurred in the ori- 
ginal, it has been preserved in a foot-note. It should be 
observed that, in all probability, these documents were 
drawn up from the verbal orders of the king, who fre- 
quently refers in them to the oral instructions he had given 
to his various officers. 

Henry did more to advance the progress of art than any 
English sovereign anterior to Edward the Third. In ad- 
dition to his works at the abbey and palace of Westmin- 
ster, he repaired, or entirely rebuilt, most of the numerous 
manor-houses belonging to the crown, besides contributing 
largely to the improvement of parish churches in all parts 

a In his "Anecdotes of Painting." Oil Painting." 

b See " Materials for the History of c The translation is almost literal. 


of the kingdom. His architectural taste was not inherited 
by his successor j after the accession of Edward the First 
the Liberate Rolls cease to afford any important inform- 
ation relative to the fine arts. 


G. de Craucumbe is ordered, out of the issues of the 
manor of Woodstock, to cause the wainscoting of the 
king's great chamber there to be painted of a green colour, 
and the picture in the same chamber, which is darkened in 
parts, to be re-touched d , and windows (shutters) of fir e 
to be made for the same chamber, well bound with iron. 
Woodstock, January 7. 

The keeper of the king's houses at Woodstock is ordered 
to cause to be painted in the king's round chapel at Wood- 
stock, with good colours, the Majesty of the Lord, and the 
four Evangelists, and the figure of St. Edmund on one side, 
and the figure of St. Edward on the other, and to cause 
two new glass f casements to be made there. Windsor, 
January 27. 

The sheriff of Kent is commanded to cause the king's 
two cellars in the castle of Rochester to be ceiled, viz., the 
cellar beneath the king's great chamber, and the cellar 
under the king's wardrobe. Westminster, February 23. 

The king to the keeper of the manor of Kennington. 
We command you to cause the chimney of our chamber at 
Kennington to be rebuilt, and those things which need 
repair in our other houses there to be repaired ; and the 
chapel of our chamber to be painted with " histories," so 
that the field shall be of a green colour stencilled with 
gold stars; and cause the windows and stairs g to be re- 
paired. Kennington, March 17. 

d retentari. e sap. f verrinas novas. & gradus. 


The men of Feckenham are commanded, out of the farm 
of their township, to cause Walter of Swaffham, the Ser- 
jeant of Feckenham, to have monies to make four up- 
right h windows in the hall at Feckenham, to wainscote the 
king's chapel there behind the chancel-altar, and to repair 
the aforesaid hall, chamber, and chapel, and the king's other 
houses. Kidderminster, June 3. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to cause the 
king's wainscoted chamber, in the castle of Winchester, to 
be painted with the same "histories" and pictures with 
which it was before painted. Same date. 

The sheriff of Shropshire is commanded to cause the 
stable of the castle of Bridgenorth, and the kitchen within 
the barbican of the tower of the same castle, to be repaired. 
Worcester, June 14. 

The sheriff of Southampton is commanded to cause 
windows to be made in the king's painted chamber within 
the castle of Winchester, which is too dark, according to 
the plan 1 of master Elias of Dereham, and to cause the 
wainscote of the same chamber to be painted with green 
colour. Woodstock, June 21. 

The sheriff of Oxford is ordered to cause the pictures 
which remain to be done in the king's great bed-chamber k 
at Woodstock to be finished, and the Crucifixion, and the 
figures of St. Mary and St. John to be painted in the great 
chapel ; and he is to cause the aisles 1 of the great hall at 
Woodstock to be unroofed, and re-covered with shingles, 
and to repair the houses at the well, and roof them, and to 
buy fir-boards to put about the well there. Woodstock, 
June 24. 

It is ordered of the sheriff of Hereford that at the head 
of the "oriel m " of the king's chamber in the castle of Here- 

h estantinas : a term of doubtful import. 
k talamo. i alas. 

5 secundum dispositionem. 
m ad capud oriolli. 


ford he cause to be made a certain fair and decent chapel, 
of the length of twenty- five feet, and that he cause that 
chapel to be wainscoted; to do which Hugh de Kilpeck 
shall let him have wood in his bailiwick by the king's order. 
Hereford, September 11. 


The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command 
you to cause our great chamber at Clarendon, which is in 
need of repair, to be repaired, and likewise to repair the 
staircase 11 of the same chamber and roof it with lead. 
Clarendon, June 3. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We order that 
without delay you cause the kitchen, butlery and sewery 
of our hall at Clarendon to be repaired ; and cause to be 
finished the plastering and wainscoting and other things 
which are still to be completed in our new chapel beside 
our great chamber. And cause a certain pent-house p to 
be made from our queen's chamber unto the said queen's 
wardrobe which is beneath that new chapel, and a chimney 
in the same wardrobe. And also cause the walls of our 
cellar to be repaired and covered with plaster, and repair 
the chimney of the chamber which was Hugh de Nevill's 
there, and the other things which are in want of necessary 
repair. And cause to be made a certain sufficient machine 
at our well there to draw water ; and likewise make a 
certain good and large privy chamber between our hall 
and kitchen, without the wall, towards our park. Claren- 
don, January 10. 

The king to his bailiff of Kennington. We order you 
to cause a certain wall to be made outside our chamber 
at Kennington to enclose our court-yard; and make one 

n gradum. dauburam et lambreschuram. P quoddam apenticium. 



knight's chamber, and a scullery q ; and put iron bars to 
the window of our queen's chamber, and cause the glass 
windows of our chamber which are broken, and the four 
gates, to be repaired. Kennington, February 10. 

The king to the sheriff of Southampton. We command 
you to cause a certain beam r to be placed in the chapel 
of St. Thomas the Martyr in our castle of Winchester, 
which shall touch both walls of the seat of us and our 
queen, to wit, from one wall to the other, and let there be 
erected in the middle of the beam a certain cross, with the 
images of Mary, John and two angels. Also cause the 
house which is erected in the middle of the castle aforesaid 
to be roofed with slate, and cause the wall which is begun 
around that house, to enclose it, to be finished in the style 
in which the wall was commenced. And cause the stones 
which are at Southampton, and came from Purbeck, for the 
works of our castle at Winchester, to be carried to Winches- 
ter, and safely keep them until our further orders. Ken- 
nington, April 3. 

The king to Walter de Burgh, keeper of the manor of 
Kennington. We command you that you cause to be 
made at Kennington, on the spot where our chapel which 
is roofed with thatch is situated, a chapel with a staircase 8 , 
of plaster, which shall be thirty feet long and twelve feet 
wide ; in such a manner that in the upper part there be 
made a chapel for the use of our queen, so that she may 
enter that chapel from her chamber ; and in the lower part 
let there be a chapel for the use of our family. Merton, 
April 13. 

The king to the same. We order you to lengthen the 
wardrobe of our chamber, beneath our chamber at Ken- 
nington, with plaster- work*, and to wainscote the chamber 

Q squieleriam. 

r trabem; clearly a rood-loft. 

8 capellam ad stagium. 
1 plastiicio. 

b b 


of our queen beyond her bed ; and to finish the chimney 
of our chamber. Kennington, April 28. 

The king to John le Fraunceis. We order you out of 
the monies of queen-gold which are in your custody to 
deliver to brother John of Waverley, mason, £10, for the 
work of our queen's chamber at Westminster. Windsor, 
May 8. 

The king to Walter de Burgh. We command you with- 
out delay to lengthen the privy-chamber of our chamber at 
Kennington with stone and lime. Kennington, May 13. 

The king to the sheriff of Northumberland. We com- 
mand you without delay to repair the chamber of our castle 
of Newcastle-on-Tyne at the head of our old hall, and like- 
wise our chamber in the " old tower," under the inspection 
of Robert de Neweham and Hugh de Burneton, whom we 
have assigned thereto. And cause also our new hall and 
new chamber in the same castle to be roofed with lead, by 
the view and testimony of the same Robert and Hugh. 
And repair also the breach of the wall beyond the postern 
of the same castle, and the palisade before the gate of the 
same castle, nigh the old tower, &c. Westminster, May 16. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We order you to 
cause the chimney of our great chamber at Clarendon, and 
the well of water in our court there, to be repaired, and 
make a certain pent-house between our queen's chamber 
and our wardrobe there, Westminster, May 20. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We order you to 
make a certain oven in our court-yard at Clarendon. Wood- 
stock, June 30. 

The king to Walter cle Burgh. We command you to 
make a certain pent- house, with a chimney, at the head of 
our hall at Brill, in the manner in which our reeve there 
shall tell thee on our behalf ; and cause to be repaired our 
other houses there, which are in need of repair. 


Walter de Burgh is ordered to unroof the king's chamber 
at Kennington and afterwards to re-cover it with good tile ; 
and to cause the queen's chamber there to be roofed. 

The sheriff of Oxford is commanded to make a certain 
stone wardrobe, with its appurtenances, on the small plot 
between the hall and the king's great chamber at Oxford, 
on the north part : and to repair the mantel of the chimney 
of the same chamber. Oxford, August 18. 

The king to his bailiff of Woodstock. We order you to 
make a certain porch before the door of our queen's cham- 
ber at Evereswell, and cover it with lead ; and cause the 
curtain and the other painting in our high chamber beside 
our hall, to be repaired where necessary. Woodstock, 
August 22. 


The king to the sheriffs of London. We order you to 
repair the chambers of our tower of London, and to com- 
plete the chimney of our queen's chamber; and also to 
make a spur of boards, good and becoming, between 
the chamber and chapel of the new turret of the same 
tower, nigh our hall, towards the Thames. London, 
March 2. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to put iron bars 
to the windows in the queen's chamber at Clarendon, and 
to make a certain door before the aforesaid chamber with 
a certain bordure on the door aforesaid ; and to make a 
certain staircase and door in the same queen's wardrobe : 
and to repair the glass windows of the king's chamber, and 
to make a certain house beyond the stair of the king's 
cellar, which is called the " Rock," and to repair the house 
beyond the rock : and also to roof the chamber of Alexan- 
der ; and to cause the king's wardrobe there to be roofed 


and crested ; and to crest the chapel of All Saints, and to 
repair the king's salsary and larder, and to roof the sewery, 
butlery and kitchen there. He is also to repair and re- 
crest the king's hall there : and to make a certain covering 
over the king's oven : and to make certain wooden barriers 
before the door of the hall, and without the gate there : 
and to make a certain aisle between the door of the hall 
and the door of the stair of the king's chamber there, with 
a certain " oriol" at the top of the said stair ; and to make 
also an iron chain and a certain bucket for the well there. 
Clarendon, December 24. 

The sheriff of Southampton is commanded to make, 
without delay, a certain aisle from the door of the queen's 
chamber in Winchester castle to the door of her chapel in 
the same castle. Winchester, December 25. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to repair the glass 
of the window of the hall at Winchester over the great 
doorway ; and to repair the Dais of the same hall, as well 
with colours, where it shall be necessary, as otherwise ; and 
to cause the wainscote of the chamber there to be painted 
a green colour, and starred with gold ; and circles to be 
made on the same wainscote in which are to be painted 
" histories " of the Old and New Testament. Wherwell, 
December 27. 

Walter de Burgh is ordered to make a chimney in the 
queen's great lower plastered chamber, at Brill, and an 
aisle between the king's chamber and the queen's chamber 
aforesaid. Wherwell, December 27. 

Walter de Burgh is commanded to wainscote as well the 
upper as the lower chapel of the queen at Kennington, and 
to raise the flue of the king's chimney there, and to do 
other small necessary works there. 


The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 
to bar the windows of our chamber, and the chamber of 
our queen, and of our chapel and of the chapel of our 
queen at Clarendon, with iron, so that they may be barred 
before our coming there, which will be before the end of the 
three next following weeks. Woodstock, November 5. 

The king to the sheriff of Southampton. We order you 
to make in our castle of Winchester, behind the chapel of 
St. Thomas the Martyr, a certain chamber for the use of 
the bishops, and a chimney and a certain privy-chamber 
in the same : and a pent-house beside our almonry, for 
the use of the poor ; and a " thupet " for our great kitchen, 
and to repair the mantel of the chimney in our queen's 
chamber. Also make, in the same castle, two posts before 
the porch of our hall, and a certain chain for the same 
posts ; and a certain door as you go out of the hall towards 
our chamber ; and make lists before the entrance of the 
hall, and barriers beyond the bridge of the castle aforesaid, 
and a palisade on either side of the same bridge. Make 
also a certain small Mary, with a great tabernacle for the 
chape] of our aforesaid queen, and a certain painted tablet 
to be placed before the altar of the same chapel. Wood- 
stock, Nov. 14. 

The king to the constable of the Tower of London. We 
order you to cause the walls of our queen's chamber, which 
is within our chamber, at the aforesaid Tower to be white- 
washed and pointed, and within those pointings to be 
painted with flowers ; and cause the drain of our private 
chamber to be made in the fashion of a hollow column, as 
our well-beloved servant John of Ely shall more fully tell 
thee, Woodstock, November 23. 


The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 
that beside the wall between the hall and our chamber at 
Clarendon you cause to be made towards the park a certain 
pent-house to hold litter ; together with a certain privy- 
chamber for the use of our household at the end of the 
aforesaid pent-house. Clarendon, December 18. 

The king to the keeper of the bishop rick of Ely. We 
direct you so to roof the chapel and chamber of the houses 
of the aforesaid bishoprick at London that the rain may not 
enter them. Westminster, January 20. 

Order to pay Master Alexander the carpenter £20 for 
wainscoting the queen's chapel at Westminster. Feb. 4. 

The king to the keepers of the bishoprick of Winches- 
ter. We command you to paint throughout the cham- 
ber of our queen, and to cause a certain window to be 
made in the most convenient place in it ; and to make 
a herbary between the chamber and chapel. Rochester, 
February 10. 

The king to Walter de Tywe. We command you, with- 
out delay, to cause the new chapel of our queen at Wood- 
stock to be wainscoted, and likewise to make an aisle be- 
tween the same chapel and her chamber there, so that she 
may go to, and return from, that chapel with a dry foot. 
Westminster, March 18. 

The king to Walter de Burgh. We direct you to make 
a wardrobe and a privy-chamber to the same wardrobe, at 
Brill, for the use of our queen. Westminster, April 8. 

To the same. We command you to roof our chamber 
at Kennington, and the chamber of our queen there, with 
shingles, and likewise to repair the chimney under our 
chamber there ; and cause our garden to be enclosed with 
a ditch. Westminster, April 8. 

The king to the bailiff of Woodstock. We command 
you to make a certain chimney in our great wardrobe at 



Woodstock, and to cover the small chamber of the same 
wardrobe with shingle. Windsor, May 18. 

The king to the keepers of the bishoprick of Winchester. 
We command you to make a certain house of deal u , run- 
ning upon six wheels, and cause it to be covered with lead ; 
and to wainscote the porch of the queen's chapel in our 
castle of Winchester, and likewise the long alley from the 
chapel aforesaid unto our chamber there ; and also cause 
to be wainscoted the alley which is between our chamber 
and the chapel of St. Thomas there ; and make a certain 
wall and gate before the doors of our kitchens there ; and 
a certain herbary, and a wall on the side of our hall, to- 
wards the south ; and likewise repair our well in the same 
castle, and buy four images for the porch of our aforesaid 
hall ; and cause a map of the world to be painted in the 
said hall ; and repair the glass windows of the hall, chapel, 
and chambers where needful ; and make a certain cellar 
under the chamber of our queen ; and cover with lead, 
certain lists beside the wall within the court, from the 
queen's chapel to the door of the hall and the wall of the 
great tower. Westminster, August 4. 

The king to the bailiffs of Windsor. We command you 
that you finish the works on which we ordered you to 
expend fifty marks, without delay; and paint the chamber 
of our queen at Windsor, and wainscote the chamber of 
Edward our son, and put iron bars to each window of the 
same chamber, and likewise make a privy chamber con- 
venient to the same chamber, &c. Windsor, August 11. 

The king to Walter de Burgh. We order you to cause 
to be built a certain chapel at our manor of Cliff, of stone 
and lime, fifty feet in length and twenty-two feet in width ; 
with fair glass windows; and cause the chamber of our 
queen there to be wainscoted and painted with a " history;" 

u sappo. 


and block up the window at the head of our bed in the 
same chamber, and make a good glass window in the gable 
of the aforesaid chamber, well barred with iron ; and wain- 
scote our great chamber beyond our bed. Woodstock, 
August 28. 

The king to the keeper of the manor of Woodstock. 
We order you to repair our dovecote at Woodstock where 
needful ; and to make a certain wall between our larder 
there and the further angle of our higher chamber towards 
the south. And make a certain new cloor in the chamber 
of our queen under our chamber ; and cover with lead the 
whole alley at Evereswell. Same date. 

To the same. We order you to make a herbary at 
Evereswell around the well. Woodstock, September 4. 

The king to Walter cle Tywe, keeper of the manor of 
Woodstock. We command you to make a certain chimney 
in the wardrobe of our queen at Woodstock, and to raise 
the flue x of the chimney of our chamber there higher by 
six feet, and cover the pent-house, which is between our 
queen's chamber and the new pent-house, with lead ; and 
cover also our mill there with slate y , and repair the bays 
of our vivaries with chalk : and repair the gutter of our 
kitchen at Evereswell ; and make a cloor in our queen's 
chamber ; and also cause to be made a certain lattice with 
a door and with forms before the gate of our new chapel ; 
and repair all the houses as well at Evereswell as at the 
former court which need repair ; and make a certain cross 
with Mary and John and a certain image of St. Mary to be 
placed in the aforesaid new chapel ; and cause to be made 
also a certain house near the stairs of our great chamber to 
hold firewood and coal (charcoal?) for our use. Woodstock, 
September 10. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 

x tuellum. 

y sclata. 



to cause the chimney of our wardrobe at Clarendon to be 
pulled down, and a new one to be built ; and renovate and 
enlarge the privy-chamber of the same, and make a certain 
wardrobe of the length of thirty feet before the aforesaid 
privy-chamber. Clarendon, September 30. 

The king to the keepers of the bishoprick of Winchester. 
We order you to make in our castle of Winchester a draw- 
bridge with a bretache above it, at the entry of the great 
tower ; and cause to be repaired the joists of our chamber 
in the tower aforesaid, where our wardrobe used to be ; 
and also make a fair porch before the door of the chapel of 
Saint Judoc together with a bell-turret for the chapel of 
St. Thomas in the same castle ; and wainscote the alley 
from our chamber unto our same chapel : and roof all the 
houses of the same castle, and make one inner close in the 
same ; together with two furnaces in the greater kitchen, 
and a chimney in our chamber above the porch of the great 
hall. And cause all our stone which is at Stoneham to be 
carried to the aforesaid castle, and there safely deposited. 
Clarendon, November 24. 

The king to Walter cle Burgh. We command you to 
make in our castle of Windsor a certain chamber for our 
use nigh the wall of the same castle of the length of sixty 
feet, and of the width of twenty-eight feet, and another 
chamber for the use of our queen of the length of forty feet 
which shall be near unto our chamber, and under the same 
roof along the same wall ; and a certain chapel of the length 
of seventy feet and of the width of twenty-eight feet, on the 
length of the same wall. So that there be a competent 
space left between the aforesaid chambers and that chapel 
to make a little grass-plot. Kennington, January 4. 


Edward Fitz-Otho keeper of the king's works at West- 
minster is ordered to raise the chimney of the queen's 
chamber, and to paint the chimney of the chamber afore- 
said, and on it to cause to be pourtrayed a figure of Winter, 
which as well by its sad countenance as by other miserable 
distortions of the body may be deservedly likened to Winter 
itself. Westminster, January 20. 

The king to the keepers of the works of the Tower of 
London. We command you to cause the chamber of our 
queen in the aforesaid Tower to be wainscoted without 
delay, and to be thoroughly whitened internally, and newly 
painted with roses ; and cause to be made a wall z in the 
fashion of wainscote between that chamber and the ward- 
robe of the same chamber, and let it be entirely covered 
externally with tile ; and also cause our great chamber in 
the same tower to be entirely whitewashed and newly 
painted, and all the windows of the same chamber to be 
made anew with new wood and bolts and hinges, 
and to be painted with our arms, and barred with new 
iron, where needful. Moreover, repair and mend all the 
glass windows in the chapel of St. John the Baptist within 
the said Tower, where necessary ; and repair all the win- 
dows in the great chamber towards the Thames with new 
wood, with new bolts and hinges, and bar them well with 
iron ; and in the corner of the same chamber make a great 
round turret towards the Thames so that the drain a of the 
last chamber may descend into the Thames ; and make a 
new cowl b on the top of the kitchen of the great Tower. 
Westminster, February 24. 

The king to the sheriff of Surrey. We order you to 

z murus ; but probably nothing more 
than a wooden partition is signified. 

a tuellus. 

b fumericium — or louver. 



cause the glass windows of our houses and chapel at Guild- 
ford, which were broken by the storm, to be repaired ; and 
that you cover the same houses which were unroofed by 
the same storm. Kennington, April 4. 

The king to the barons of the Exchequer. Allow 
Walter cle Burgh, the keeper of our demesnes, out of the 
issues of the same, 26s. which he expended by our order 
in making a certain house for the use of our chaplain at 
Kennington. Also 9s. 8d. which he spent on a certain 
seat for the use of our queen in our chapel there, and in 
making a certain lavatory between our chamber and the 
queen's chamber, and in whitewashing a certain privy- 
chamber there. Also allow him 12d. which he expended 
in barring with iron certain windows in our chamber there, 
and 8d. which he spent in making a certain candlestick 
to be put in our chamber there : and two shillings which 
he spent in repairing the glass windows of the same 
chamber, and sixteen-pence for repairing a certain Thames 
barge, and 2s. 6d. for a certain table bought for our queen's 
use there ; and three shillings and ninepence which he 
spent in removing a certain stable there ; and making a 
wall from our great gate to the head of our grange ; and 
20d. which he expended in repairing our salsary there ; 
and two shillings and nine-pence halfpenny which he spent 
in buying board to cover our oven there; and 3s. l^d. for 
tile bought to cover our hall there ; and 12d. which he ex- 
pended in making a pavement between our chamber and 
our hall. Windsor, April 26. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you, 
without delay, to cause our great gate at Clarendon to be 
removed, and put in another place, as Adam Coc, our 
Serjeant at Clarendon, shall tell you on our behalf; so that 
our kitchens and our stable may be within the close of our 
court there. Woodstock, May 8. 


The king to his bailiff of Woodstock. We order you to 
cause the oriol before the door of our queen's chamber at 
Woodstock to be wainscoted, and the old windows of the 
same chamber to be made anew and painted; and to 
lengthen the small chamber for the use of the valets of the 
same queen, before the door of her chamber, by thirteen 
feet ; and cause a certain tablet to be made to put above 
the altar in our chapel there. Woodstock, May 9. 

The king to Walter de Burgh. We order you to cause 
the walls of our court at Geddington to be repaired, and 
the paintings of our chamber, above our bed, which are 
discoloured by the rain, to be re-painted; and roof that 
chamber where it shall be necessary, and rebuild our dove- 
cote which is pulled down, and make four mews, which are 
needed there, to mew our falcons. Windsor, May 22. 

The king to the sheriff of Kent. We order you to make 
glass windows for our chapel and chamber in Dover castle, 
and cause the new hall of the same castle to be filled with 
poor people, and find them food for one day before our 
coming into those parts. Westminster, July 1. 

The king to the constable of Rochester castle. We 
command you to cause the windows in the oriol before the 
door of our chamber in the castle aforesaid to be repaired, 
where necessary, and likewise to mend and renovate, where 
necessary, the pent-house which is between our hall and 
chapel there ; and renovate the stair c before the outer gate 
of the tower of the same castle, and make a certain pent- 
house above the stair aforesaid, and cause the said tower to 
be whitewashed in those places where it was not white- 
washed before ; and make new wooden windows in the 
chapel aforesaid. Feversham, July 13. 

c Almost all the references to stairs 
which are found in these documents 
shew that they were, in general, built ex- 

ternally : see for example the next para 




The king to the keeper of the manor of Woodstock. 
We command you without delay to cause to be made a 
certain iron trellice on the staircase before our chamber, 
towards our herbary, and a certain wooden lattice in the 
two windows before the chamber of our queen, and cause 
the pent-house d above those windows to be covered with 
lead. And cause also the apertures of the two pent-houses 
between our hall and the queen's chamber, and our chapel, 
towards the herbary, to be boarded e and two white glass 
windows to be made in the same boards f . Make also 
two glass windows in the gable of our hall, and repair the 
windows of the same hall looking east, together with the 
painting of the same hall. And make a certain chequer- 
board in the same hall, containing this verse ; 

" Qui non dat quod amat, non accipit ille quod op tat." 

And likewise repair all the houses of both our courts, 
and the fountains and walls, which are in want of repair. 
Woodstock, November 6. 

The king to the keepers of the works at the Tower of 
London. We command you to repair the granary within 
the same Tower, &c, and to cause all the leaden gutters of 
the great Tower, through which rain water should fall from 
the summit of the same Tower, to be carried down to the 
ground ; so that the wall of the said Tower, which has 
been newly whitewashed, may be in no wise injured by 
the dropping of rain water, nor be easily weakened. And 

d In illuminations of the 14th century has been printed in Walpole's " Anec- 

we often see a decorated canopy over dotes of Painting : " ed. Dallaway, vol. i. 
mural windows : appenticiura is the e bordari. 
term used in the above writ. This order f borduris. 


make on the same tower on the south side, at the top, deep 
alures of good and strong timber, entirely and well covered 
with lead, through which people may look even unto the 
foot of the same tower, and ascend, and better defend it, 
if need should be. And also whitewash the whole chapel of 
St. John the Evangelist in the same Tower. And make in 
the same chapel three glass windows, one, to wit, on the 
north part, with a certain small figure of Mary holding her 
child, the other on the south side, with [the subject of] the 
Trinity, and the third, on the same south side, with St. 
John the Apostle and Evangelist ; and paint the cross and 
beam beyond the altar of the same chapel, well and with 
good colours. And cause to be made and painted two 
fair images, where they may be best and most decently 
made in the same chapel, one of St. Edward holding a ring 
and giving it to St. John the Evangelist. And whitewash 
all the old wall around our aforesaid Tower. Windsor, 
December 10. 

The king to the keepers of the works of Windsor castle. 
We command you without delay to cause a certain pent- 
house to be made between our hall and our kitchen within 
the bailey of our castle of Windsor. Windsor, Dec. 21. 

The king to Paulin Peyvere and J. de Gatesdene, keepers 
of the bishoprick of Winchester. We command you to 
complete without delay the works of the new gateway, 
and the new bridge, and the turrets of the same gateway ; 
and to joist the same turrets and cover them with lead : 
and cause the bretache over the new bridge to be garreted 8 
and covered with lead ; and remove also the old bridge, 
and cause the ditch there to be prepared and flooded ; 
and pull down the old gateway and make it good with a 
wall and alures h . And cover our queen's chapel in the 

g garitari. 

h alleriis. 



same castle with lead, and roof the great wardrobe with 
its pent-houses with shingle. Also pave the whole of our 
hall, and paint the roof 1 of our demesne chamber with the 
Old and New Testament, with gilt bosses k , and renew the 
other paintings. And make a tablet to be put before the 
altar of St. Thomas the Martyr in our chapel. And make 
two glass windows, to shut and open, in our chamber 
opposite our bed : and pull down the mantel of the chim- 
ney in our queen's chamber and afterwards enlarge it. 
Marlborough, January 25. 

The king to Walter de Tywe, &c. We order you to make 
a new stable for the use of our queen, roofed with slate, 
and a certain house for the poultry, and another house for 
the use of our Salter, likewise roofed with slate. Also 
cover with slate all the houses of each court which are not 
slated. And cause also the paintings of each court 1 to be 
repaired, where needful, and all the windows of each court 
to be barred with iron, and double doors to be made to 
all the privy-chambers. Woodstock, March 5. 


The king to the sheriff of Berkshire. We command 
you to pay, out of the issues of your county, ten marks 
unto Edward our glazier 1 " at Windsor. Reading, Novem- 
ber 21. 


The king to the bailiff of Kennington. We order you 
to repair the defects of the roofs of our hall at Kennington, 
and of our kitchens there, where necessary ; and to repair 

1 In alto depingi. k bociis. 

1 cuiia; often used as synonymous with aula. vitreario. 


the chimney of our queen's chamber, and likewise the 
leaden gutter between the queen's chamber and her chapel ; 
and put in order likewise our two little meadows 11 and the 
walls both around those meadows and around our garden. 
Winchester, February 18. 


The wardens of the archbishoprick of Canterbury are 
ordered to buy a fair stone to be put over the body of 
Gerold Fitz-Maurice justiciar of Ireland ; on which they 
are to cause to be represented the shield of the same 
Gerold with his arms. Rochester, November 20. 

The king to the keepers of the bishoprick of London. 
We command you to pay out of the issues of the bishop- 
rick of London unto master Simon our carpenter, and the 
other keepers of our works at Windsor, ten marks to wains- 
cote our chambers at Windsor. Windsor, December 12. 

The sheriff of Oxford is ordered to wainscote the king's 
hall at Oxford to the extent of five couples (copula) beyond 
the king's seat ; and to make in the same hall, on the north 
and south side, two fair upright windows with white glass 
casements, to open and shut ; and to make before the door 
of the same hall, on the south, a fair and decent porch ; 
and if the other windows of the same hall are in need of 
repair he is to repair them. He is to wainscote the chancel 
of the king's chapel at Oxford throughout ; to remove the 
leaden windows of the same chapel, and put glass in their 
stead. He is also to wainscote the queen's chapel, and to 
cause to be well painted in front, behind the altar, the 
images of the Crucifixion, of Mary and John, and under 
the beam the " history" of the Lord's Supper. Woodstock, 
February 11. 




The bailiffs of Woodstock are ordered to close up the 
door of the hall at Woodstock, and to make another in the 
aisle of the same hall, near the south angle, with a great 
and decent porch ; and to cause the three windows of the 
same hall to be raised with masonry in the fashion of a 
porch ; and on the other side, in the east angle, to make 
another door where one used to be, and on that side to 
build a kitchen, with a pent-house between that door of 
the hall and the kitchen. And also to cause the queen's 
chapel to be lengthened by twenty feet, towards the east, 
with vaulting above and beneath ; and to make in the 
king's chapel over the altar-table the images of the Crucifix, 
St. Mary, St. John the Evangelist, and two angels after the 
fashion of Cherubim and Seraphim ; and to repair the iron 
lattice where needful j and to repair also the crenelles of 
the king's chamber with mortar, and to whitewash them ; 
and to wainscote the privy-chamber of the king and queen, 
and to make a small kitchen for the queen's use near her 
chamber ; and to roof and repair the houses at Evereswell 
where necessary. Woodstock, February 19. 

The king to the keepers of the works at Woodstock. 
We command you to cause the cloisters round the foun- 
tains at Evereswell to be well paved, and to wainscote the 
same cloisters. And make also in our great hall at Wood- 
stock a certain great louvre p ; and pull down the four 
windows which are in the gable of the same hall towards 
the east, and in their stead make one great round and 
becoming window, on high, with glass lights. And make 
also a certain great gate nigh the chapel at Woodstock, 
towards Evereswell, and beyond that gate a certain decent 
and befitting chamber, with alures reaching to the door 
of the chapel aforesaid, and paint that chapel with his- 

° Probably to be carried into the roof. 

D d 

p fumerium. 


tories as we enjoined unto William de St. Omer our bailiff. 
Woodstock, February 23. 

The sheriff of Dorset and Somerset is ordered to cause 
the tower of the castle of Corfe to be pargeted q with 
mortar where needful, and to whitewash the whole of it 
externally. Clarendon, March 10. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to cause the under- 
written works to be done at the king's houses at Claren- 
don ; to wit, a new stable r for the use of the king and 
queen, which is to extend from the south wall, nigh the 
gate, along even unto the old hall which is now the stable 
of the king's horses. In which stable there are to be two 
inner close chambers, at each end of the same stable, to 
contain the harness of the king and queen, and two privy- 
chambers are to be made in the same chambers. And the 
door of the aforesaid old hall is to be removed to the 
corner opposite the chapel, and to be made with a fair 
porch ; and the same old hall is to be made into a chamber, 
with a chimney on the south side, with one pillared win- 
dow 8 ; and in the wall opposite the same chimney there 
are to be two decently pillared windows, and one win- 
dow in the gable, without a pillar, to be made as high 
as possible : to which chamber there is to be made a fair 
privy-chamber, between the wall and that chamber, and a 
grass-plot*. And nigh the king's kitchen he is to make 
another great, and square, kitchen, which is to be every 
way within the walls forty feet ; and a salsary between the 
wall of the same kitchen and the wall of the hall. And he 
is to make a " herlebecheria u " on the outside, beside the 
wall of the kitchen ; and to roof the hall where necessary ; 
and a fair porch is to be made before the hall door, and 
the small glass windows of the same hall are to be repaired 

•> perjactari. 
1 herbarium. 

r marescalcia. s fenestra columpnata. 

u The meaning of this word is doubtful. 



where necessary : and all the crests of all the chambers 
and windows are to be leaded : and he is to renew the 
paintings of the king's chamber, and of the windows and 
chamber of the queen, and of her chapel, and likewise of 
the chapel beside the almonry ; and a porch is to be made 
before the door of the same chapel by the almonry. And 
he is to wainscote the aforesaid hall beyond the dais for the 
space of five couples, and to well and strongly bar with 
iron on the outside, where it shall be necessary, all the 
glass windows of the chapel of the king and queen. And 
to repair, where needful, all the glass windows of the 
chapel of the king and queen ; and to repair the wall of 
the king's chamber externally with mortar, and to white- 
wash it ; and to raise the wall also of the little wardrobe, 
and the queen's private chamber on the east and north ; 
so that the pillared windows of the oriol may be removed 
into that wall. And to make a chimney in that small 
wardrobe ; and to remove the door of the queen's chamber 
into the angle of the chamber; the [outer] stairs of the 
chamber are to be removed, and a staircase made in 
that angle to ascend into the aforesaid oriol ; and he is to 
joist that oriol with cambred joists*, and to cover those 
joists with lead ; and to make a fair private chamber, well 
vaulted 7 , as well in the upper as in the lower story 2 , to 
that oriol ; and to wainscote the greater and lesser cham- 
ber of the queen ; and to make a pavement of tiles in the 
king's demesne chapel and in that oriol, and to wains- 
cote it. And the descending trap 9, in the king's chapel 
is to be removed and a staircase made in the north angle. 
And the door of the king's wardrobe is to be moved and 
placed between the chimney and the north angle. Claren- 
don, March 14. 

* gistis cambris. 
y bene voltatam. 

" trapa decendens. 


The king to the sheriff of Northampton. We command 
you to cause to be made in the hall at Geddington two 
windows with columns, like the other windows, and in the 
window which is in the gable of the hall make a white 
glass window with the image of a king in the middle ; and 
likewise put white glass windows in the two small round 
windows which are above the windows in the hall. And 
cause the wardrobe of our queen there to be lengthened, 
and windows to be made before the queen's oriol, and a 
window in the gable of the chamber in which the countess 
of Leicester lay. Stamford, July 7. 

The constable of Ludgershall is ordered to execute all 
the following works there j to wit, a new hall in place of 
the old hall, which is to be sixty feet long and forty feet 
wide, with four upright b windows, and a certain pantry 
and butlery at the end of the same hall ; and two kitchens 
are to be made, one for the king's use, the other for the 
use of his household : the door of the king's wardrobe there 
is to be removed ; and the king's chamber and the queen's 
chamber to be wainscoted ; and the stairs of the king's 
chamber to be put up ; and the outer chambers there to be 
repaired and joisted, &c. Windsor, May 8. 

The king to his treasurer and Edward Fitz-Otho. We 
command you strictly enjoining, and even as you wish 
our love towards you to be continued, that you omit in no 
wise but that the chamber which we ordered to be made 
at Westminster, for the use of the knights, be finished on 
this side of Easter, even though it should be necessary to 
hire a thousand workmen a day for it j and make the 
same chamber of two stories d , and in the same manner, 
without couples 6 , as the privy-chamber of our great ex- 
chequer, and cover well the roof of the same chamber 

b stantinas. 

ad estagium. 
e copulis : rafter-ties, 


with lead ; so that the view of the windows of the great 
hall may not be disturbed. And make also in the upper 
floor two chimneys, and one chimney beneath. Also 
remove the offices which are beside the hall aforesaid, and 
rebuild them between our same exchequer and the gate- 
way. Woodstock, May 17. 

The king to his treasurer, &c. Pay out of our treasury 
unto Edward of Westminster, one thousand, nine hundred 
and forty-nine pounds, thirteen shillings, and five pence 
halfpenny, which he has expended by our order in the 
construction of our new chamber beside our hall at West- 
minster, and of our conduit, and in our other works there, 
which we enjoined him to do. Woodstock, May 17. 

The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to wainscote the 
king's great chamber in the castle of Nottingham, and to 
make a becoming glass window in the same, and to cover 
the wardrobe of the same chamber with lead, and to make 
a certain aisle between the stairs of the king's chamber, 
and the chamber of the queen, and to cover it with lead ; 
also to wainscote the queen's chamber, and to cover the 
chapel in her chamber with lead, and to make a glass 
window in it j and to make anew the altar and sedilia in 
the new chapel, nearer the gable, &c. Nottingham, July 16. 

The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to build at Clip- 
stone, a fair, great and becoming hall of wood, and a kitchen 
of wood, and a wardrobe for the queen's use. Clipston, 
July 21. 

The sheriff of Surrey is ordered to cause a kitchen to be 
made for the king's use at Guildford ; so that it may be 
ready before the feast of St. Edward. Guildford, Septem- 
ber 20. 

The same is ordered to repair the gutters of the king's 
houses at Guildford, where necessary, and to make a door 
in the gable of the hall there, between the pantry and 


butlery, by which the king's kitchen may be entered, and 
to put glass lights in the window on the west of the dais ; 
and to make a chimney in the king's larder there ; so that 
that house may be the queen's wardrobe, when she shall 
come there ; and to bar the windows of the chamber of the 
king and queen with iron, &c. Chertsey, September 26. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to cause the gate- 
way which the king sent from Westminster to Kennington 
to be erected in the manner in which it was sometime 
built within the king's court at Westminster ; and also to 
wainscot e the king's chamber there. Westminster, Octo- 
ber 3. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to make under the 
new wardrobe of the queen at Clarendon, four windows, 
each to be of the width of one foot, and to cause them to 
be well barred with iron ; taking care that those windows 
be so high, that no one standing on the area f can see 
through them. Windsor, June 15. 


The constable of Marlborough is ordered to build the 
queen's chamber at Marlborough with an upper story, with 
a chimney below and above; so that the same chamber 
contain twenty-four feet in width within the walls of the 
same chamber ; and that he make four great " well-sitting" 
windows, with pillars, in the same chamber, to wit, two in 
each gable, and other two on the two sides of the cham- 
ber aforesaid : and he is to make also an alley of two stories 
between the king's chamber and the chamber of the queen. 
Westminster, January 18. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to make a pent-house 
from the great gate of the manor of Clarendon, within 

f aera. 


the wall, unto the chambers on the north, for the use of 
the poor ; and one great and becoming porch for the king's 
hall ; and a certain cloister (claustrum) before the new- 
kitchen ; and a wall round the queen's new chamber to- 
wards the park, within which a small meadow may be 
made. Chewton, February 20. 

The sheriff of Surrey is ordered to enclose the area 
which the king has purchased, nigh the kitchen, to lengthen 
the king's court at Guildford, with a wall conveniently an- 
swering to the other wall by which the court aforesaid is 
enclosed ; and to repair the two piers of the king's hall at 
Guildford, which need repair because they are out of the 
perpendicular. Westminster, March 2. 

The sheriff of Oxford is ordered to put new glass lights 
in the windows of the west gable of the king's hall at Ox- 
ford, and in the new windows of the same hall ; and to 
roof the king's chapel, where necessary ; and to make a 
chimney in the king's wardrobe, and a certain house for 
the use of the porter there, which is to be covered with 
slate ; and to close up the door of the queen's private 
chamber towards the grass-plot ; to roof the same cham- 
ber where necessary, and to bar the windows of the same 
chamber with iron. Woodstock, May 18. 

William de St. Ouen is ordered to level the area between 
the queen's chapel and the larder at Woodstock, to enclose 
it with a good wall, and to make a fair cc herbour s " in it ; 
and to repair the queen's private chamber which threatens 
to fall ; and to make a certain chimney in the chamber 
over the cellar at the wells h ; and likewise to make an alley 
from the queen's kitchen to the door of the alley leading to 
the queen's chapel. Westminster, June 4. 

The sheriff of Gloucester is ordered to repair the wall of 
Gloucester castle, towards the town forges ; and to put 

s herbarium. h ad fontes. 


glass windows in the king's chapel, in the queen's chapel, 
and in her chamber; and to remove the door of the 
queen's chamber and place it where the king enjoined 
him • to repair the old chamber with a chimney before the 
door of the long cellar, under the queen's chapel ; and to 
remove the door of the old chapel. Stratton, August 3. 


The king to the sheriff of Oxford and Berks. We 
command you to roof our larder and kitchen at Oxford, 
where needful, and to raise the flue of the chimney of the 
queen's chamber; and to renew also the pictures of the 
tablet before the altar in the same queen's chapel ; also to 
close up the old windows in our hall there, one on the 
north side and the other on the south, beside the new 
windows, and to make two new upright windows with 
glass lights in their stead. Make also a door and windows 
in the oriol beyond the porch of our hall there. Wal- 
lingford, November 25. 

The sheriff of Surrey and Sussex is ordered to make a 
certain chamber at Guildford, for the use of Edward the 
king's son, with proper windows well barred, which is to 
be fifty feet long and twenty-six feet wide , . . . with a 

privy-chamber so that the chamber of the same 

Edward be above and the chamber of the king's noble 
valets underneath, with fitting windows, and a privy- 
chamber, and a chimney in each chamber. And he is to 
make under the wall towards the east, opposite the east 
part of the king's hall, a certain pent-house which, al- 
though narrow, shall be competently long, with a chimney 
and private chamber, for the queen's wardrobe; and to 
make in the queen's chamber a certain window equal in 
width to the two windows which are now there, and as 



much wider as may be, between the two walls, and as 
high as becomingly may be, with two marble pillars ; and 
to wainscote that window above, and close it with glass 
windows between the pillars, with panels k which may be 
opened and shut, and large wooden shutters 1 internally to 
close over the glass windows ; and to cause the upper 
window in the king's hall towards the west nigh the dais 
to be filled up with white glass lights, so that in one half 
of that glass window there be made a certain king sitting 
on a throne, and in the other half a certain queen likewise 
sitting on a throne. Reading, February 3. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to make a chim- 
ney of plaster in the queen's chamber there. Reading, 
February 10. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered as he loveth his life 
and chattels, to take diligent care that the queen's new 
chamber at Clarendon be finished before Whitsuntide, 
whencesoever monies for the completion of it may be pro- 
cured ; in the upper story' 11 of it he is to make a chim- 
ney, and to repair the chimney in the chamber of Alexan- 
der, and the roofs of the king's old and new wardrobe, 
where necessary. Winchester, February 19. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to stop up and 
repair the crevices in the new tower in the king's castle at 
Winchester, and to whitewash that tower inside and out ; 
and to make a certain house nigh the great tower, and in 
it an oven ; and to make windows in the same great tower, 
and to repair the privy-chambers in the same ; and to 
make doors and windows, and stairs for ascending the 
walls ; and to unroof the new tower in the bailey of the 
same castle towards the tower, and in the meanwhile to 
cover it with lead ; and to buy also mats for the chapel of 
St. Thomas, and to make an image of St. Edward in it. 

k panellis. 1 fenestras bordeas. m stadio. 

e e 


And to cause the candlesticks and benches in the queen's 
chamber, and the Majesty and images around it, to be 
made and gilt : and to enlarge, lengthen, heighten, joist 
and cover with lead the small chamber at the head of the 
same chamber, and make a cistern over it ; and likewise 
to make a chimney in it, and to paint a certain city over 
the door of that chamber, and also to paint and gild the 
heads on the dais in the king's great hall there, and cover 
the louvers 11 on it with lead ; to make a certain lavatory 
in the queen's chapel, and to repair the alley of the king's 
almonry there ; and to make also a certain chamber nigh 
the king's stable for three beds and to put harness in, and 
to make the altar of the king's chapel of marble ; and to 
renew the pictures on the doors and windows of the king's 
hall, and to wainscote also the small chamber beside the 
king's wardrobe, and to make in it a certain chest (ar- 
cJiiam) for the king's reliques ; and block up also the 
windows of the king's wardrobe, and make a certain glass 
window in it barred with iron. Ludgershall, March 3. 

R. de Mucegros keeper of the manor of Ludgershall is 
ordered to make an oriol before the door of the king's 
chamber there, and also one covered alley from the door of 
the aforesaid chamber to the door of the hall ; and to paint 
the piers of the same [hall] of a marble colour, and the his- 
tory of Dives and Lazarus in the gable opposite the dais ; 
and to make also an almonry of five posts , together with a 
wardrobe belonging to the chamber of the same almonry : 
so that the walls of the same be made of torchis [torcJieicio) 
and plaster. Westminster, March 17. 

R. de Mucegros is ordered to make a kitchen in Marl- 
borough castle for the king's use ; a certain porch before 
the king's hall ; one covered alley from the door of the hall 
to the king's kitchen ; one window in the hall, one chamber 

n fumericios. ° furcis ; i. e. the roof was to be supported by so many wooden piers. 



for the use of the chaplains and one salsary. Westminster, 
March 18. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to repair the glass 
windows in the king's chamber and chapel, and in the 
chapel of the queen at Kennington ; to cover the chambers 
of the king and queen with shingles, and to repair the walls 
of the same chambers. He is also to make a door to the 
chamber towards the wardrobe ; two leaden gutters, one 
crest of lead in the salsary, and to repair the walls of the 
same salsary ; and also to make mud p walls around the 
grange and dairy q there, to repair the ruined kitchens, and 
to prop up r the almonry. Westminster, April 9. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to make a window 
on the south side of the king's chapel at Clarendon ; and 
to renovate the painting of the same chapel where neces- 
sary; and to wainscote the king's lower chamber, and to 
paint that wainscote of a green colour, and to put a bor- 
der to it s , and to cause the heads of kings and queens 
to be painted on the borders*; and to paint on the walls of 
the king's upper chamber the story of St. Margaret Virgin, 
and the four Evangelists ; and to paint the wainscote of the 
same chamber of a green colour, spotted 11 with gold, and 
to paint on it heads of men and women ; and all those 
paintings are to be done with good and exquisite colours. 
Clarendon, June 27. 

The sheriff of Oxford is ordered, on the day on which 
exsequies shall be celebrated in the town of Oxford for the 
soul of I. late queen of England, the king's mother, to cause 
all the poor clerks of the university of Oxford to be fed in 
the king's hall at Oxford ; and all the friars preachers and 
minors of the same town to be fed in their own houses. 
Marlborough, August 7. 

p muros luteos. 
8 listari faciat. 

q daeriam. 

" auro deguttari. 


The same is ordered to make a kitchen for the use of the 
king's household on the vacant ground between the larder 
and the king's kitchen at Oxford. Woodstock, August 18. 

The sheriff' of Buckingham is ordered to repair the 
king's hall, chamber and wardrobe at Brill, and the queen's 
chamber and wardrobe, and the passage between the hall 
and kitchen, where necessary, as well in the roofing as 
otherwise; and to cause two benches x to be made, one 
for the king's bed there, and another for the queen's bed. 
Missenden, September 13. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to cause a chair and 
forms 7 to be made to be put around in the king's chamber 
at Kennington ; also to buy a Crucifix with Mary and John, 
to be put in the king's chapel there, and two becoming 
tablets to be placed before and above the altar in the 
same chapel, and two others to be likewise placed in the 
queen's chapel ; and he is to cause a barge to be made to 
carry people and horses over the Thames. Westminster, 
October 10. 


The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to buy a certain 
iron trivet (caminum ferreum) for the king's use and to 
deliver it to Adam Cok the king's serjeant at Clarendon. 
Marlborough, November 18. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to buy mats 
(natas) to put upon the forms and under foot in the king's 
chapel at Winchester. Clarendon, December 4. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to make porches 
before the king's wardrobe and the queen's wardrobe at 
Kennington, and to make a haye z at the causeway at the 
head of the pool a of the king's stew in the park there ; and 

* scabella. y formulas. z haia. a stangni. 



to buy a great quantity of osiers to be planted at the head 
of the same stew, and likewise willows ; and to plant the 
ditch without the park with willows, and to make a 
counter-ditch round the haye within the park, where 
necessary, that the wild animals may not get out, and to 
make a certain [causeway] from the stable to the barn. 
Westminster, February 13. 

The bailiff of Kennington is ordered to complete the 
king's stew b at Kennington as soon as he can, because 
John the ditcher cannot finish that stew for thirty-three 
marks, as he covenanted with the king. Windsor, 
February 22. 

The sheriff of Bucks is ordered to make at Brill, nigh 
the kitchen towards the east, another kitchen, and [a new] 
salsary, towards the north, and an oriol with a stair before 
the door of the queen's chamber, and to put new glass 
windows with iron work in the gable of the king's chamber, 
as the king enjoined him. Oxford, April 18. 

The sheriff of Oxford is commanded to make a proper 
chimney in the wardrobe [at Oxford] and to block up one 
half of the window towards the north, and to lengthen and 
repair the other moiety of the window; and to make a 
certain esperum d in the circuit of the stairs in the same 
wardrobe, and to take out the two leaden windows in the 
body e of the king's chapel and replace them with new glass 
windows ; and to construct in the body of the same chapel, 
on the south side, a certain altar in honor of St. Edward 
the Confessor. Woodstock, April 28. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to lengthen the 
queen's wardrobe [at Winchester] to thirty feet within the 
walls, and to make two chimneys in that wardrobe, one in 

b vivarium. 
c cum stagio. 

d It is sometimes written sperum and 


e corpore ; i. e. the nave. 


the upper story f , and one in the lower; and to joist the 
same, and roof it with lead and crenellate it; and to 
make two windows barred with iron in it towards the 
little meadow. Winchester, July 3. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to remove the 
wall nigh the rock towards the park at Clarendon, and 
to make there a certain house for the use of the king's 
chaplains ; and to remove the gateway there and make 
another j also to make a certain house in which dry wood 
may be stored for the king's use, and to lengthen the 
king's chandlery, and to make a certain chimney in the 
chamber which was the king's napery, and a certain privy- 
chamber ; and to repair the paintings of the king's cham- 
ber. Marlborough, July 21. 

The sheriff of Gloucester is ordered to make two but- 
tresses 8 under the king's chamber in Gloucester castle. 
Guildford, August 30. 

The sheriff of Surrey is ordered to make a certain hall 
and a certain chamber in the mote of the king's castle of 
Guildford, for the use of the sheriff of Surrey for the time 
being, in completing which he may expend twenty pounds. 
Guildford, August 30. 

The sheriff of Kent is commanded to wainscote both 
chapels in the king's castle of Rochester, and also to make 
in the hall of the same castle, in the northern gable, two 
glass windows, one having the shield of the king and the 
other the shield of the late count of Provence ; and also to 
make two small glass windows on each side of the same 
hall, and in each of them the figure of a king. Rochester, 
March 20. 

f stadio. 

e pileria butericia. 




The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to crest with lead all 
the passages 11 at Clarendon, between the king's hall and 
chamber, and the chamber and wardrobe, and the chamber 
of the king and queen ; and likewise to crest with lead all 
the king's houses at Clarendon ; and to make a fitting 
window in the chamber of the king's seneschals there. 
Clarendon, December 20. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to pull down the 
mantel before the chimney in the king's chamber at Cla- 
rendon, and to make a new mantel there, on which mantel 
he is to cause to be painted the Wheel of Fortune and Jesse ; 
and to cover the king's pictures in the same chamber with 
canvas lest they should be injured ; and to make a certain 
chimney in the chamber of the king's seneschals there, and 
two large and ample windows. Clarendon, December 28. 

The king to the sheriff of Southampton. We command 
you to make a certain beam in the chapel of our queen in 
our castle of Winchester, and to place thereon a cross with 
Mary and John ; and to mend and roof better the passage 
towards the queen's chapel ; and to make twelve tables 
and sufficient forms in our chamber there ; and to repair 
and roof better the passage towards our chapel ; and like- 
wise to roof the priest's chamber beside the chapel of 
St. Thomas, and the chamber at the head of the same 
chapel ; and moreover to renew and repair the paintings 
above our dais ; and to make two chairs, to wit, one in our 
chamber and another in the chamber of our queen. Cla- 
rendon, December 28. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to make a door to 
the bell-tower 1 nigh the king's chapel in Winchester castle ; 

h aleyas. 1 clocherium. 


and a door to the king's " herbour" beside the same cha- 
pel : and to cause to be painted in the same chapel, over 
the altar, the image of St. Mary ; and towards the south 
in the same chapel the image of God and His mother; 
and moreover to make a joisted k chamber beyond the but- 
lery and pantry, well lighted, and to make a chimney in it 
and an extreme 1 chamber. Winchester, December 28. 

The sheriff of Surrey is commanded to put two glass 
windows in the queen's chamber at Guildford, and also 
to make a chimney in the queen's wardrobe there, and 
to wainscote over the " herbour" stairs j and likewise to 
wainscote and paint the queen's small wardrobe, and to 
make a certain porch before the door of the king's hall 
there. Windsor, April 24. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to cause to be 
painted in the queen's chapel at Winchester, on the gable 
towards the west, the image of St. Christopher, who, as 
he is elsewhere depicted, shall bear Christ in his hands ; 
and the image of St. Edward, king, how he delivered his 
ring to a certain stranger, whose figure is likewise to be 
depicted. Windsor, May 2. 

The keeper of the manor of Woodstock is ordered to 
make a chimney in the chamber over the wine cellar at 
Evereswell, and a wardrobe and outer chamber" 1 , and a 
house at the entrance of the gateway at Evereswell : and 
an interclose 11 with a door and locks at the entrance of the 
queen's new chamber beneath : and an interclose in the 
upper outer chamber with doors and locks ; and to wains- 
cote both chambers, and to make a chimney in the cham- 
ber in which William de Chesney is wont to sleep, and a 
standing window in the same chamber ; and two " her- 
bours," one on each side of the king's chamber ; and 
to paint, in all the chapels, the image of St. Edward with 

k gistatam. 1 extremam. m camera forinseca. n interclausum. 



the stranger, on tablets ; and to make a hearth of free- 
stone, high and good, in the chamber above the wine- 
cellar in the great court, and a great louver over the said 
hearth ; and to make a door under the door of Edward 
the king's son, and two great louvers p in the queen's 
chamber, and a great and high "torchis q " around the great 
kitchen ; and two glass windows in the king's wardrobe ; 
and one interclose in the outer chamber of the same 
wardrobe ; and a glass window at the entrance of the hall 
porch [on which is to be represented] a king crowned. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to make a chimney in 
that house which was built at Clarendon to hold dry fire- 
wood, and two standing windows, and a privy -chamber, 
as the king wills that chamber to be so prepared for the 
use of his knights. Woodstock, September 4. 


The sheriff of Northampton is ordered to build a cer- 
tain chapel for the queen's use at Geddington, with glass 
windows, and to put iron bars in the king's chamber and 
the queen's chamber, and likewise a glass window in the 
king's chamber and another glass window in the queen's 
chamber ; and to repair the king's houses and the ruins 
around the court ; and to make a certain soleret r above 
the gateway there; and to wainscote the queen's chapel 
at Northampton, and put glass windows in it, and one 
glass window in the queen's chamber there ; and to make 
five small glass windows over the great windows in the 
king's hall there. Northampton, December 4. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 

° astrum. r solerettum ; a diminutive of sola- 

p lovaria. rium. 
q torcheacium. 

F f 


to whitewash our great hall at Clarendon, and to make 
a new chair in our seat ; and make also a wardrobe for the 
use of our queen which shall contain, with the chamber 
of the chaplains, a length of fifty feet, with a chimney and 
a private chamber; and build also a wall, which shall 
begin from the chamber of Hugh de Nevill, unto the head 
of the same wardrobe, with a stone gateway and a wicket 8 
in the wall aforesaid ; and build also a certain wall between 
our park and the aforesaid wardrobe and chamber; and 
also renew and repair the painting in our chapel, &c. 
Clarendon, February 25. 

The king to the sheriff of Southampton. We order you 
to repaint the whole of our seat in our hall at Winchester, 
and everywhere to repair the crevices in the same hall ; 
and also to repair the towers of our castle, and to cover 
the tops of the columns of the same hall, towards the 
chapel, with lead. Guildford, March 4. 

The king to the sheriff of Nottingham. As you have 
signified to us that our chamber in our castle of Nottingham 
cannot be strengthened with a sound foundation, unless 
the roof of that chamber be taken down, we command you 
to remove it and rebuild it ; so that a decent stone table- 
ment* be made on the wall ; and let heads be sculptured 
on the ends of the corbels which will be above it. Win- 
chester, March 2. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to build a chamber 
in Winchester castle, between the hall and kitchen, for the 
use of the king's seneschals, and to make a dovecote behind 
the queen's chapel. Winchester, May 31. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We order you to 
make a new seat for our use in our hall at Clarendon, and 
to wainscote the space of five couples above that seat u , and 

8 wychetto. 

1 tabulamentum. 

u Evidently to prevent rain falling 
through the rafters. 



to lead and crest the gutters of the same hall, and again 
to repair the two doors of the same hall, and to roof our 
chamber there towards the north ; and to repair our ward- 
robe there, which threatens to fall ; and to joist and plank 
our outer chamber, and the chamber of Alexander, and the 
chamber of Hugh de Nevill • and to roof the chapel of our 
queen, and to make in it a cross, a Mary, and the image 
of St. John ; and to whitewash our privy-chamber exter- 
nally, and to make a certain " herbour" under our chamber. 
Clarendon, June 8. 

The king to his bailiff of Woodstock. We command 
you to crenellate our queen's chamber of free-stone, and to 
raise the chimney of the same chamber to the height of 
eight feet, and to wainscote the lower chamber, and to 
make the privy-chamber in the fashion of that chamber 
where Bartholomew Pecche was wont to sleep ; and to 
build a certain chamber at the gateway of Evereswell, of 
the length of forty feet and of the width of twenty-two 
feet, with a wardrobe, privy-chamber, and a chimney. And 
to repair Rosamund's chamber unroofed by the wind; and 
to make a door to our queen's wardrobe, and a door to our 
old larder. Also repair the bays of both our vivaries and 
the causeway of the lower vivary nigh the " closarium 
and put two windows of white glass in the gable of our 
hall, and two in the chamber of Edward our son, and 
two windows in our old larder, barred with iron. And 
make leaden spouts about the alures of the chamber of the 
same Edward; and repair all the houses of each court 
where necessary ; and bar the windows of the porch with 
iron ; and build a house for our napery ; and pull clown 
the houses of William our chaplain, and rebuild them 
between the hall and our queen's stable ; and make an 
" herbour" in the place of the aforesaid houses. Silverstone, 
July 29. 


The sheriff of Northampton is commanded to wainscote 
[the roof] above the king's seat in the hall of the castle of 
Northampton for the space of four couples ; and to put bars 
to the windows before the queen's chapel, and new doors 
to the same chapel, and a lattice beyond those doors, and 
two glass windows in the queen's chamber, and a glass 
window in the king's wardrobe, and a stair in the tower ; 
and to make a privy-chamber to the chamber of the chap- 
lains nigh the door of the king's hall. Northampton, 
August 2. 

The same is ordered to build a small wardrobe, with a 
chimney, between the king's chamber and the private 
chamber ; and to lengthen the same private chamber from 
the said wardrobe by fifteen or sixteen feet, and to lengthen 
and enlarge the queen's private chamber, and the ward- 
robe, between her chamber and the private chamber j and 
to make a new kitchen, and to build a chamber over the 
gateway, and a certain small chamber with a chimney and 
other appurtenances, nigh the king's chapel, for the use of 
the chaplains; and to repaint the old tablet beyond the 
altar of the king's chapel in the manor of Geddington, and 
to make a small form in the king's chamber. Geddington, 
August 6. 

The sheriff of Northampton is ordered to build a new 
kitchen at the king's manor of Cliff, and to repair the old 
kitchen, and to wainscote the king's chapel, as far as the 
lower beam nearest to the altar extends, and to paint a 
certain image of St. Edmund of Pontigny in the window 
over the altar, and to make a certain chimney and a privy- 
chamber in the king's wardrobe there ; and to enclose the 
whole court with a good wall, with a strong and becoming 
gateway ; and to build a certain wall from the angle of the 
hall to the new kitchen, and from that kitchen to the 
stream ; so that that wall may enclose the vivary which is 



before the chapel. And he is to build a strong gateway 
between the hall and kitchen, and to repair the vivary, 
and to put windows before the door of the chapel. Peter- 
borough, August 15. 


The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 
to build at Clarendon a certain transverse gateway between 
our queen's wardrobe and Hugh de Nevill's chamber, and 
over that gateway make a certain fitting chamber for the 
use of our bailiff, with a private chamber ; and also to 
make there a chair for the queen's use, and a window in 
Hugh de Nevill's chamber ; and to build a house for the 
use of our bailiff in which he can keep his stock, and to 
make a granary in our sewery to hold bread ; and a glass 
window in the chamber before the well, and an outer 
chamber in the chamber where our purveyors sleep : and 
turn the door of the same chamber outwards towards the 
courtyard; and repair the chimney of our wardrobe, and 
crest our outer chamber with lead ; and cover the but- 
tresses of our hall with lead, and paint our seat in the 
same hall, and the piers x and timbers ; and pave our 
chamber with plain tile 7 ; and level the chamber of our 
seneschals, and make a certain stair towards the privy- 
chamber of the same chamber ; and put a marble altar in 
the queen's chapel there. Clarendon, December 21. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to make a be- 
coming chapel near the king's bed in the castle of Win- 
chester, and likewise to build in the same castle a vaulted 
chamber 2 for the king's knights, with a privy-chamber; 
and near that chamber a large tower. Winchester, De- 
cember 29. 

* postes. 

y plana tegula. 

1 cameram ad voutam. 


The sheriff of Northampton is ordered to complete the 
king's works at Siiverstone and Geddington, begun by 
Simon de Trop sometime sheriff of Northampton • and to 
remove the wainscote in the king's chamber at Geddington, 
and put it in the chapel there ; and to put another wains- 
cote in the same chamber, as far as it extends beyond the 
king's bed, painted green with golden spots. Woodstock, 
June 5. 

The sheriff of Oxford is commanded to affix two iron 
candlesticks to the columns nearest to the king's plate? in 
the hall at Oxford, to hold candles. Woodstock, June 7. 

The king to the bailiff of Woodstock. We command 
you to build a chapel of St. Edward with a wooden altar, 
and ornamented glass windows, on the upper story b of our 
queen's new chamber at Woodstock, and to remove the 
lead from the middle story, and place it, with other lead 
newly bought, on the said chapel ; and build two good and 
high walls around our queen's garden , so that no one can 
get in ; and make a becoming and fair " herbour" near our 
vivary, in which the same queen may walk, with a certain 
gateway, from the " herbour" which is beside the chapel of 
Edward our son, into the aforesaid garden ; and paint 
images of the Crucifix and the Blessed Mary, and of 
St. John the Evangelist on the tablets and walls beside 
our seat in the upper chapel, and bar the windows of the 
same chapel where necessary. Woodstock, June 20. 

The constable of Marlborough is ordered to make a new 
barbican in the castle of Marlborough, without the castle, 
behind the king's chamber, and likewise to repair the 
bridge towards the dovecote : and to lengthen the chamber 
behind the chapel of St. Nicholas, towards the priest's 
chamber, with an oriol : and to rebuild the chamber be- 

a disco ; probably an error, for deisio, b stagio. 
dais. c gardinum. 



tween the old wardrobe and the aforesaid chamber, with 
a certain privy-chamber, in the mote of the tower; and 
to repair the houses and walls of the castle and tower, 
where necessary, and to make a kitchen within the new 
tower, and likewise a kiln ; and to raise the head of the 
great vivary there, and enclose it with a haye, and to 
repair the bays of the same vivary. And to make, in the 
queen's chapel there, a Crucifix with Mary and John, and 
Mary with her child : and to build a new kitchen in the 
castle of Ludgershall, and a salsary, and to renovate on 
all sides the wall of the same castle and crenellate it • and 
to lengthen the passage which extends from the hall to the 
king's chamber even to beyond the door of the queen's 
chamber ; and to make a kiln for the works, and to place a 
Crucifix with Mary and John, and an image of the Blessed 
Mary with her child, in the king's chapel in the same 

Godfrey de Lyston is ordered to make a royal seat at 
the middle table in the king's hall at Windsor castle, on 
which he is to paint the figure of the king holding a 
sceptre in his hand ; taking care that that seat be be- 
comingly ornamented with gold and paint. Clarendon, 
July 19. 

Godfrey de Lyston is ordered to build a certain stone 
wall ten feet high from the door of the king's hall at 
Windsor to the galilee d of the new chapel, with a certain 
doorway, not too large, opposite the wardrobe; and to 
make a certain wooden barrier 6 round the outer part of 
the same galilee, so that horses cannot reach the same 
galilee. Clarendon, July 20. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command 
you to make a certain baptistery in the chapel of All Saints 
at our manor of Clarendon, and to put a bell-turret on 

d galilea. e barrura lignea. 


that chapel with two bells in the same. And in the same 
chapel make a Crucifix with two images on each side, of 
wood, and an image of the Blessed Mary with her child. 
And let the chamber of our queen there be decently paved. 
And in the queen's hall let there be made a certain window 
[looking] towards the " herbour," well barred with iron ; 
and two windows to the same queen's chapel, to wit, one 
window on one side of the altar and another window on 
the other, which are to be cleft through the middle, that 
they may be shut or opened when necessary. In the 
chamber of the friars minor let there be made images of 
the Holy Trinity and of the Blessed Mary, with a certain 
glass window, and repair it where necessary. And make 
a bench round our great " herbour," nigh the wall, and 
whitewash the wall above it. In Alexander's chamber let 
there be made a certain wardrobe with a privy-chamber ; 
and roof those houses well. Make an " herbour" under 
our chamber towards the north, and likewise in our 
wardrobe a certain window towards the court ; and 
lengthen our chandlery-house there by four or five couples. 
Gillingham, July 30. 

The king to the sheriff of Dorset. We order you to 
finish the chapel at our manor of Gillingham in the form 
in which it is begun. And make a chimney in our cham- 
ber there under that chapel, to wit, on the side towards 
our chamber. And make a certain window, with a column 
in the middle, beside that chimney, towards the east ; and 
on the other side, in the angle of that chamber, make a 
privy-chamber ; and in the aforesaid chapel above let there 
be made six windows, with columns in the middle. And 
also lengthen our queen's chamber by fifteen couples, and 
remove the old gable of the same chamber. And beyond 
those fifteen couples let there be made a chapel of nine 
couples for the use of the same queen ; and in the said 



lengthened [part] of the same chamber make a chimney, 
towards the court. And at the head of our hall there, 
towards the east, let there be made a chamber forty feet 
long, and twenty-two feet wide, transversely, towards the 
north with a chimney and privy-chamber. Gillingham, 
July 30. 

The king to the same. We command you to make a 
chimney in our queen's chamber in our castle at Sherbourn, 
and a certain pent-house from the door of that chamber 
to the door of the same queen's chapel. And repair also 
the roofing of the said castle, and let the north wall be 
repaired and rebuilt where necessary; and repair the 
windows there, as well in the tower as elsewhere. And 
make new doors in the same castle where there are none, 
and it is necessary doors should be ; and repair the others ; 
and w T ell repair the glass windows in our chapel so that 
they may be shut and opened. Montacute, August 3, 

The king to the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol. We 
command you to put glass windows in our hall at Bristol, 
a royal seat in the same hall, and dormant tables f around 
the same ; and cause the chamber beside that hall to be 
wainscoted : and let glass windows be made in the chapel 
of St. Martin, and lengthen three of the windows of the 
same chapel, to wit, two in the chancel, and one in 
the nave s , that it may be better lighted ; and let it be 
whitewashed throughout. Wainscote the wardrobe under 
our chamber, and let double iron ties be made for the 
windows, with new wooden shutters h ; and repair the 
flooring 1 towards the privy-chamber. And let glass win- 
dows be made in the other chapel, and build a stone 
chimney in our chamber, and a certain stable nigh the 
wall of our castle there. Let double bars be made in the 

f tabulas dormientes. 
s navi. 

fenestris ligneis. 
1 planchicium. 


window nigh our wardrobe and the privy -chamber, and 
block up the doors of the chapel beside our great hall 
there, and make a door in the chancel towards the her- 
mitage 1 " ; in that hermitage make an altar to St. Edward ; 
and in the turret over that hermitage make a chamber for 
the clerks with appurtenances : also build a kitchen and a 
sewery beside the aforesaid hall ; and find the wages of 
a certain chaplain whom we have ordered to celebrate 
divine service in the chapel of our tower there, all the days 
of our life, for Eleanor of Brittany our cousin ; to wit, 
fifty shillings per annum. Berkeley, August 28. 

The king to the sheriff of Gloucester. We command 
you to repair the leaden roof 1 on our tower at Gloucester, 
which is cut, and likewise to repair and crenellate the wall 
of the bailey towards the south ; and to put glass in the 
upper part of the windows in our chamber, in our queen's 
chamber, and in our chapel ; and to make a new bell 
concordant to that which is now in the same chapel ; and 
to put a stone altar in the same, and another in our queen's 
chapel there ; and repair the bridges of the same castle ; 
and on both sides of the stairs descending from the door 
of our chamber towards our wardrobe make a low wall m , 
and cover that staircase with lead. And repair our wears 
in the river Severn. Tewkesbury, August 30. 

The keeper of the manor of Eeckenham is ordered to 
lengthen the two windows, one on each side of the choir, 
in the king's chapel at Eeckenham, and the third window 
over the altar; that they may be lighter. And to make 
anew all the windows in the king's chamber, and well 
bar them ; and to repair the porch before the door of the 
king's chamber there, and to make a certain pent-house 
over the stair descending from that porch ; and two ward- 
robes with privy-chambers, to wit, one nigh the king's 

k reclusorium. 1 plumbaturam. m tabulatum. 



chamber and another nigh the lower chamber. And to 
build a kitchen pertaining to the hall. Evesham, Sep- 
tember 5. 


The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to make two glass 
windows in the queen's hall at Clarendon, two " sporas" 
in the chamber of Alexander, two privy-chambers, to wit, 
one on one side of the court at Clarendon and another on 
the other side for the household ; and to repair the king's 
houses there where necessary ; and to put two small glass 
windows in the chamber of Edward the king's son ; and to 
make two frames 11 in the queen's chamber; and a screen 
in the chamber of the aforesaid Edward, and a " sporam" 
at the head of the king's chamber, and another " sporam" 
in the outer chamber of the king's wardrobe there. Cla- 
rendon, November 28. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you 
to put a glass window in the chamber of our queen [at 
Clarendon] and in the same window cause to be made a 
Mary p with her child, and a queen at the feet of the same 
Mary, with clasped hands, holding in her hand [a label 
with] " Ave Maria :" and enclose the house of master 
David with a good wall, and make a chimney in the same 
house and a wardrobe, with a privy-chamber ; and build a 
wall from the house of the aforesaid master to the house 
of Robert de Stopham, with a certain gateway towards 
the park; and make a chimney in the chamber beyond 
the rock, and cover the chamber outside the chamber of 
Alexander with shingle and chevron q it ; and put two leaden 
" pomellas" on our hall, and a standing window of wood 
in our pantry : and make a chimney in the chamber under 

framas. unum es( renum. p Mariola. 11 keveronari facias. 


our chapel, and wainscote the same chamber, and make 
a staircase from the chapel into that chamber ; and put 
two forms in our chamber, and a " sporum" in the queen's 
chamber ; and make a door to close up the entry towards 
the same chamber, and a glass casement in the window 
before that " sporum," and repair other defects. Claren- 
don, December 7. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to cause the king's 
new chapel in Winchester castle to be painted with the 
history of J oseph, and to be paved with tiles ; and to paint 
the tablet beside the king's bed with the figures of the 
guards of the bed of Solomon ; and to pave the king's 
chamber and the queen's chamber with tiles, and to put 
wooden windows in the oriol of the queen's chapel ; to re- 
pair the privy-chamber before the door of the Jews' tower, 
and likewise to repair the long chamber beyond the stable 
in the tower where the king's wardrobe used to be. Win- 
chester, December 29. 

The sheriff of Southampton is commanded to build, at 
Freemantle, a hall, a kitchen, and a certain chamber with 
an upper story r , and other appurtenances, and a chapel 
on the ground 8 , for the king's use : and a certain cham- 
ber with an upper story, with a chapel at the end of the 
same chamber, for the queen's use ; under which chapel he 
is to make a cellar to hold the king's wines. Newstead, 
January 2. 

John de Haneberg is commanded to crenellate the 
queen's chapel at Woodstock, and to raise the chimney in 
the queen's chamber ; and to make a certain vault 1 between 
the king's chamber and the new chapel ; to wainscote and 
whitewash the same chapel ; to put glass windows in the 
same chapel, and to build a certain bell-tower, with two 
middling 11 bells, beside the house of the chaplains ; and to 

r cum estagio. 8 ad terrain. * voutam, or arch. u mediocribus. 



make a seat in the queen's chapel for her use ; to cause 
the picture of the Blessed Virgin near the same seat to be 
better painted; and to repair the glass windows of the 
king's old chapel there. Woodstock, February 3. 

John de Haneberg and Peter de Leigh are ordered 
to make a certain pent-house at the head of the king's hall 
at Woodstock towards the east, and two apertures in the 
crest x of the same hall, and a round window in the gable 
of the same hall towards the east; and to paint the door 
between the king's chamber and the new chapel of a green 
colour; to crenellate the king's chamber with free-stone, 
and to bar with iron the windows of the chapel of St. Ed- 
ward. Woodstock, February 6. 

The sheriff of Gloucester is ordered to build a chamber, 
with a chimney and a privy-chamber, over the king's wine 
cellar in Gloucester castle. Winchester, June 5. 

The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command 
you to wainscote our chamber under our chapel [at Claren- 
don] and to remove the wall which is across that chamber, 
and to cause the " history" of Antioch and the combat 7 of 
king Richard to be painted in the same chamber ; and to 
paint that wainscote of a green colour with golden stars 2 . 
Make also in the same chamber a certain door, and a pent- 
house direct to the outer chamber which is now made, and 
rebuild the new outer chamber belonging to the same 
chamber, under our chamber; remove the plaster- work of 
the alure towards the queen's chamber, and repair it with 
a good stone wall ; and cause the new chamber within the 
park to be whitewashed and bordered a ; and make images 
of the Blessed Mary, St. Edward and Cherubim, and place 
them in our chapel ; and rebuild the chimney in our 
queen's hall, with two marble columns on each side of the 
chimney ; and sculpture the mantel b of that chimney with 

x crista. y duellum. 1 scintillis. a listari. b mantillum. 


the twelve months of the year : and make a " sporum" in 
our queen's chamber, and a " sporum" in our chamber, 
at our head ; and also pave our chapel throughout, and 
put iron kevils with chains to shut the glass windows. 
Make also a privy-chamber to the chamber beyond the 
rock ; and provide two good ropes c for the well and for 
hauling timber. Make also a glass window towards the 
kitchen, and a paling around the " herbour" where Geoffrey 
de Lezinan our brother lay ; and also make two " sporos" 
in the queen's high chamber, and pave that chamber ; and 
bar the window of our pantry with iron ; and make and 
paint a door to the spiral-stair d towards our wardrobe, 
and glass windows for the same stair ; and renovate the 
chimney of our chandlery, and complete in the stable two 
walls of plaster-work 6 ; crest with lead the common privy- 
chamber outside the great gate, and repair our houses at 
Clarendon where needful. Marlborough, July 2. 

The constable of Marlborough castle is ordered to cleanse 
the great ditch round Marlborough castle and to repair it 
with new bays. And to make a bell-turret on the western 
end of the chapel of St. Nicholas there, and new lists be- 
tween the aforesaid chapel of St. Nicholas and the king's 
kitchen ; and a great round window over the king's seat 
in the great hall there, and to crenellate the wall of the 
castle between the king's chamber and the great tower. 
He is to make also a certain great chamber at Ludgershall, 
for the use of Edward the king's son, with two chimneys 
and two privy-chambers ; and to remove the old kitchen 
to beside the new kitchen behind the king's hall there ; 
and to make an image of the Blessed Mary with her child 
in the chapel of St. Leonard there. Marlborough, July 3. 

The king to the keepers of Woodstock. We command 
you to wainscote the chamber under our new chapel, and to 

c cabulas. d viceam ; Fr. vis. e plastritio. 



crenellate our great chamber with free-stone ; and to make 
two chains, and a glass window in a certain window in the 
hall; and two outer-chambers, one to the queen's stable and 
the other to our stable ; and to repair our houses there, 
where necessary, and build a buttress f to prop up our new 
chapel. Abingdon, July 18. 

The king to Godfrey de Liston. We order you to cause 
our chamber and the two chapels in our park at Windsor 
to be painted ; and wainscote to be put above our dais, and 
a louver g to be made in the hall there to carry off the 
smoke. Windsor, July 30. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to roof the pent- 
house which is between the great gate in Winchester castle 
and the chapel of St. Judoc, and the chamber of Rosamund ; 
and to make a pent-house before the door of the Jews' 
tower ; and to repair the ditch between the great tower 
and the bailey. Wolvesham, July 24. 

The bailiff of Havering is commanded to build a chim- 
ney in the queen's chamber, and to complete her two 
wardrobes with their appurtenances ; to cause a Mary 
with her child and the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary 
to be painted in the queen's chapel, and to put buttress- 
columns 11 outside that chapel ; and to cause the four 
Evangelists to be well painted in the king's chamber ; to 
make two glass windows w r ith shields of the king's arms 
in the king's low chapel, and to build a bell-turret with 
two bells above that chapel : to cause the four Evangelists 
to be painted, with other pictures, in the queen's chamber; 
to make in the low chapel a candlestick, with a beam 
across the chancel, for wax lights, and to make a lectern : 
and to complete the alures and crenelles of the chambers 
of the king and queen ; to pull down and rebuild the 
king's almonry, and to build a certain house for the use 

f botericium. g funiatorium. h columpnis botericiis. 


of the chaplains, with a privy-chamber ; to lengthen the 
king's stable and roof the whole of it with shingles ; and 
to make a fair lectern in the queen's chapel ; to raise and 
improve the porch at the entry of the alures ; to enlarge 
the pantry and butlery, and to make a salsary, a larder 
and chandlery, and a chimney in the king's great ward- 
robe ; and to strengthen the king's chamber externally 
with buttress-columns of free-stone ; to make a " sporam" 
in the queen's chamber ; to put wainscote above the dais 
in the king's hall, and to make a fair, large and well- 
sculptured chair ; to repair the chimney in the chamber of 
Edward the king's son ; to make a porch before the door of 
the same chamber, and from that porch a passage 1 to the 
alley between the king's chamber and the hall ; and a 
certain passage from the same porch to the knights' cham- 
ber ; and to make a certain " herbour" between the king's 
chamber and that of the aforesaid Edward ; to paint the 
tablet before the altar in the lower chapel, and to cause 
three other tablets to be made and painted ; to wit, one 
before the altar in the upper chapel and two narrow ones 
to be placed above the altar aforesaid ; and to paint the 
same chapels ; to wainscote the upper chapel ; and to 
build a gateway towards the park, with a certain house 
over it with a privy-chamber ; to make a moveable chair k , 
in the king's chamber, and a wide table to be put at the 
head of the king's bed ; to deepen the wine-cellar, and 
block up the windows of the same towards the sun ; to 
make a porch before the door ; and to wainscote the king's 
wardrobe and " cernam." Waltham, August 26. 

The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We com- 
mand you to repair the pillars 1 of our hall at Guildford 
which are defective, and to raise them with good Reigate 
stone, and to repair the same hall where necessary; to 

1 alea. k catliedram mobilem. 1 postes. 



roof the sewery and butlery, and to make a new window 
in each ; and to heighten the entire roof of our chamber by 
five feet, and to raise the walls of the same, so that three 
glass windows may be made in them, like the new window 
lately made in the same bed-chamber; those windows to 
be well barred ; and to roof the same bed-chamber with 
shingles ; and to wainscote it. Wainscote also the tre- 
sance m between the hall and the aforesaid bed-chamber 
and cover it above with earth 11 , and make better windows 
in the same tresance ; and paint the wainscoted chambers 
of a green colour. Wainscote the lower wardrobe of the 
bed-chamber of Edward our son, and make in it a stone 
vault in which our chests and reliques may be put ; and let 
the wall between the said bed-chamber and the almonry be 
crested ; make a window in the small wardrobe nigh our 
great gate ; and a new lattice before the chapel of St. Ste- 
phen ; and in the chapel of St. Catharine paint decently 
her image, and her " history," above the altar, without 
gold or azure ; and build a wall round the said chapel 
where there was before a paling, and strengthen the wall of 
the castle with buttresses and underpinning, and white- 
wash it ; and repair the lead on the tower, and whitewash 
the same tower ; and repair all the houses as well in the 
castle as in the court, as well in gutters as in the roofs ; 
and build three mills in the park, to wit, one for hard 
corn, another for malt, and a third for fulling. Also pull 
down the wall outside our great bed-chamber, and remove 
it the width of fifteen feet from the said bed-chamber, and 
rebuild it of the same height that it now is ; and between 
the same bed-chamber and the said wall make a certain 
" herbour," and in the tresance between the hall and the 
said bed-chamber make a door to enter into the said her- 
bour ; and glaze the high window in the wardrobe of the 

tresancia. n desuper terrari facias. columpnas et subpositiones. 

H h 


queen's bed-chamber, and with the chips coming from the 
oaks felled to make the aforesaid mills, make a kiln for the 
works aforesaid. Guildford, September 17. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to new roof the 
queen's chapel, and to repair the louver p above the king's 
hall at Clarendon which is injured by the wind. West- 
minster, October 11. 


The bailiffs of Woodstock are ordered to paint the 
queen's chamber at Woodstock of a green colour, and to 
border q it with red colour; and to make a tablet in the 
king's chapel before the altar, and another smaller tablet 
above the altar ; and a pent-house before the door of the 
chamber of Edward j and another pent-house beside the 
queen's kitchen, and a garden at Evereswell ; and five locks 
for the doors, and a deer-leap r in the park. Woodstock, 
Nov. 2. 

The bailiffs of Feckenham are commanded to wainscot e 
the king's chapel at Feckenham, and to double its length, 
and to repair the windows of the same chapel ; to whitewash 
the king's chamber and the queen's chamber; and to repair 
the great staircase between the hall and the king's chamber, 
and to glaze the small windows of the hall ; to make a new 
kitchen, great and good, and a wardrobe great and good, 
and a privy- chamber to the same ; and to make a privy- 
chamber in the king's chamber, on the north, towards the 
garden. Feckenham, November 19. 

The king to the sheriff of Nottingham. We command 
you to block up the cowled windows s on the south side of 
the great hall of our castle of Nottingham, and to cover 
them externally with lead; and make a certain great 

p fumatorium. q listari. r sanatorium. s fenestras culiciatas. 



louver 4 on the same hall, and cover it with lead; and 
make the wooden dais in the same hall of free plaster"; 
and cause to be painted before the altar in our chapel a 
certain tablet with the " history" of St. William, and over 
the same altar another tablet of the " history" of St. Ed- 
ward ; and in the passage x make wooden windows, bound 
with iron, to shut; and wainscote the wardrobe in the 
queen's chamber; and cause to be painted in the chapel 
of St. Catharine, before the altar a tablet, and above the 
altar another with the " history" of the same virgin, and 
paint the judgment to be dreaded in the gable of the same 
chapel ; and whitewash that chamber, wardrobe and chapel 
on every side and point them lineally y , and make good 
cowled windows before the door of our chamber over the 
stairs, and make a new and becoming door to the same 
chamber; and wainscote that chamber, and put wooden 
stalls in it on every side, and chairs ; and make an " es- 
porum" before the door; and fix iron candlesticks in the 
wall, and roof the houses beyond the great gate with lead. 
Nottingham, December 12. 

The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to make a ward- 
robe for the queen's use at Clipstone, and a privy-chamber 
in the queen's great chamber, and another privy-chamber 
at the head of the hall ; and to buy a chalice, vestments, 
books and other necessary ornaments for the new chapel ; 
and to remove the high bench and the other benches in 
the new hall, and the small chimney in the great chamber ; 
and to make a chimney in the king's wardrobe, through a 
mantel, and through another mantel in the queen's ward- 
robe by one and the same flue 2 . Worksop, December 13. 

The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to remake all the 
wooden windows in the king's great hall and great cham- 

1 fumerium. u franco piastre * alea. 

7 liuealiter pertractari facias. z per unum et idem tuellum. 


ber at Nottingham, and to bind them with iron, and to 
make a certain great glass window without the door of the 
same chamber, with the image of St. Martin stretching 
forth his cloak to the beggar. Nottingham, January 15. 

The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to cause the his- 
tory of Alexander to be painted round the queen's chamber 
at Nottingham. Same date. 

The same sheriff is commanded to make a certain pas- 
sage" 1 at Clipstone from the entry of the king's chamber 
to the gable of the hall, and another passage to the new 
chapel, and a chamber on the other side of the same hall, 
with a privy-chamber and other necessaries : he is also to 
whitewash the king's chamber, and to block up the window 
between the chimneys of the same chamber, and to bar the 
other windows in the said chamber with iron ; to put glass 
windows in the queen's chapel, to wainscote and border 
the same chapel, and likewise the new chapel : and to 
build a great gate with a certain chamber above it, and a 
privy-chamber : and to remove the wall at the foot of 
the king's bed, and make a certain privy-chamber for the 
king's use, covered with shingles ; and to glaze all the 
windows in the privy -chambers of the king and queen. 
Same date. 

The sheriff of Northampton is ordered to wainscote the 
king's chapel at Cliffe over the altar to beyond the steps 
before the same altar ; and to make a certain dormant 
table in the great hall there, and a certain wardrobe for the 
queen's use, with a privy-chamber ; and to roof well the 
tresance between the king's chamber and the privy-chamber 
of the same chamber. Cliffe, January 18. 

The same sheriff is ordered to glaze with white glass 
the windows in the king's great hall at Northampton 
castle, on the north side, which are nearest to the entry of 




the queen's chamber, and to cause the history of Lazarus 
and Dives to be painted in the sarae ; and to make a cer- 
tain chair in the middle of the bench of the same hall for 
the king's use, and to pull down the ridge b [of the roof] 
of the chapel in the tower of the same castle, and to cause 
it to be again raftered, planked and covered with lead ; and 
to raise and crenellate the wall round the same chapel ; to 
crest the crenelles of the tower there, and to board the 
alures c round the same tower; and to buy a missal of the 
value of two marks for the king's chapel. Silverstone, 
January 27. 

The king to the sheriff of Northampton. We command 
you to wainscote our queen's chapel at Geddington and to 
crest it with lead ; to buy an image of the Blessed Mary 
and another of St. John the Evangelist to be placed on 
each side of the crucifix there, and to paint the same chapel 
of a green colour, scintillated with gold ; and to raise the 
wall of our wardrobe and the chimney of the same ward- 
robe ; to make a chair in the middle of the great bench in 
our great hall there, and a new wardrobe with a chimney 
and privy-chamber for our queen's use there ; and a pent- 
house to extend from our queen's chamber to the same 
wardrobe ; and block up the window which is in the gable 
of our queen's chamber there, and make a new window 
over the pent-house d of the same chamber ; and a door in 
the queen's chamber towards the wardrobe aforesaid ; and 
block up the doorway from the privy-chamber to the same 
chamber, and make a door outside our queen's chamber 
leading to the privy-chamber; and put three windows in 
the new wardrobe ; and plaster and wainscote our ward- 
robe there ; wainscote our chamber, and paint it of a green 
colour, scintillated with gold ; and take off the lead which 
is upon the same chamber, and recover it with new ; and 

b culmen. aleas. d apenticium. 


make a chapel in the oriol beyond the door of our cham- 
ber, and three glass windows in the same chapel; wains- 
cote the same chapel, and paint it of a green colour, 
scintillated with gold ; and paint our [other] chapel there 
of a green colour, scintillated with gold; and make a 
certain enclosure 6 between the chancel and the body of 
the chapel, with a door in the middle, and two seats on 
each side of that door ; and make a pent-house from the 
chapel aforesaid to the cloister*, towards our hall; and 
rebuild a gateway in the entry towards our hall, and 
make a chamber above it ; and build a new kitchen 
beside the other kitchen, and put forms in our chamber, 
and in our queen's chamber, and in our chapel there, and 
in our queen's chapel ; and a chest g in our chamber and 
another in our queen's chamber ; and cover our mews there 
with shingle. Silverstone, January 27. 

The king to the sheriff of Northampton. We order you 
to build a certain wall at Silverstone between our queen's 
chapel and our chamber, with a doorway in the same wall ; 
and to make a certain cloister from the door of our chamber 
to the other cloister going towards the queen's chapel ; and 
to put forms in the queen's chapel and in our chamber, 
and to make two upright windows in our hall there; to 
remove the great bench in the same hall and to put a new 
stone bench in the same place ; and to make a chair in the 
middle of that bench for our use ; and to make two up- 
right windows in our great wardrobe there ; and a gateway 
to the old cloister to lead towards the same wardrobe ; and 
put a certain iron bar across the chimney in our queen's 
chamber to support the same chimney ; and make forms 
and tables in the chamber of Edward our son j and repair 
our houses there where necessary. We also command you 

e clausum. 

f claustrum. 

s scrinium. 



to make a great and wide chimney in our chamber at 
Brigstock. Woodstock, February 1. 

The king to the wardens of his works at Woodstock. 
We command you to roof with lead our bell-turret at 
Woodstock, the pent-house over the door of our great hall, 
and the other pent-house over the doorway of our old 
chapel ; and to make a pent-house from our kitchen to the 
stable at the head of the said hall, and another pent-house 
from the queen's kitchen to the door of her chamber ; and 
a chamber, with a privy-chamber and a chimney, between 
our chamber and the wine-cellar ; and to build two chim- 
neys, to wit, one in the chamber of the clerks, and another 
at Evereswell; and make a canopy h above our seat in the 
hall, with a royal seat ; and wainscote beyond the alures of 
our new chapel even to the crenelles over the same chapel ; 
and make two upright windows in the house which is 
called " Hardel," and a glass window with an image of 
the Blessed Mary in the new chapel, and the figure of an 
angel 1 over the sacristy k of the same chapel ; and make 
two apertures in the great hall, and a vivary in our 
garden ; and paint the old chapel with the story of the 
woman taken in adultery, and how the Lord wrote on 
the ground, and how the Lord smote St. Paul 1 , and paint 
something concerning St. Paul ; and likewise paint the 
" history" of the Evangelists in the upper part of the same 
chapel. Woodstock, February 1. 

Godfrey de Liston is ordered to procure wheresoever he 
can within his bailiwick, or elsewhere, either by gift or 
purchase, a great beech-tree, to make tables for the king's 
kitchens at Westminster, and to send it by water to West- 
minster, so that it may be there before the next coming 
Easter. Westminster, March 20. 

h tabernaculum. 

1 imaginem angelicam. 

k sacrarium. 

1 dedit alapham Sancto Paulo. 


The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to pave the chamber 
under the king's chapel at Clarendon, and to make and 
paint new windows in the king's chamber there, and to 
roof the queen's chamber. Clarendon, July 15. 

The king to the same. We command you to pave our 
queen's chamber at Clarendon, and the chamber under the 
same queen's chapel, and to make three windows in the 
stair of the same chamber, and two windows in the stair 
of our chamber, in the descent, and to glaze a certain 
window at the foot of same stair; and to make a cer- 
tain privy-chamber in the house where the foresters sleep, 
and a certain privy-chamber in the cellar, against the wall 
of the same cellar ; and three " espora" in the chambers of 
the lord Edward where necessary ; and to gild the two 
angels and the two tablets in our chapel ; and to remake 
and improve the queen's "herbour;" and to build a cer- 
tain house where the tools of master David may be put ; 
and a certain " herlebecheria" beside the great kitchen ; 
and cover the wall beside the great gateway with free- 
stone. Clarendon, July 9. 

The king to the keepers of his manor at Woodstock. 
We order you to make, at the manor aforesaid, a house 
under our chamber there, and a wall between our kitchen 
and our larder; and to turf our " herbary" there; and to 
buy a fair table to be placed in the queen's chamber there; 
and likewise to put two painted tablets with the figures of 
two bishops in our great chapel ; and a tablet painted 
with the figure of the Blessed Mary in the chapel of St. 
Edward. And make a chimney in our queen's kitchen 
there. Woodstock, August 19. 


The king to his bailiffs of Southampton. We command 
you to buy in our town of Southampton, for our use, two 



hundred Norway" 1 boards of fir", and deliver them without 
delay to our sheriff of Southampton, to wainscote therewith 
the chamber of our beloved son Edward in our castle of 
Winchester. Marlborough, November 13. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to make a house 
at Clarendon to hold the bailiff's stock, and another house 
to make the king's household bread in, and for making 
wafers , and to keep the household flour; and a pent- 
house under the chamber of Alexander, for the livery of the 
victuals of Edward the king's son ; and a small pantry for 
the queen's use; and a window in the king's wardrobe, 
with a pillar, and seat, and a bench to put the king's re- 
liques upon ; that window to be glazed with white glass : 
he is ordered to enclose the garden with a paling ; to paint 
the queen's chimney, and to repair the painting of her 
chapel ; also to make a chamber beside the cellar towards 
the park ; and to repair the chimney of the chamber over 
the rock ; and to double the length of the rock, and repair 
the descending steps of the same rock. Clarendon, De- 
cember 1. 

The bailiff of Gillingham is commanded to make a ditch 
round the whole of the king's court at Gillingham, and to 
enclose it with a wall of the height of a man, which is to 
be built of small stone and common cement p ; to make 
a bridge leading towards the gateway ; a new wardrobe, 
with a privy-chamber, to the great chamber towards 
the kitchen, with a chimney in the same chamber; to 
whitewash and illuminate the whole chamber; and to 
roof the entire hall; to build a sufficient almonry-house, 
with a privy-chamber; likewise to wainscote and illumi- 
nate" 1 the king's chapel and chamber ; and to put windows 
on every side in the king's chapel; and to cause to be 

bordos cle Norwagia. 

n sapio. ° wafras. 

1 illuminari ; i. e. to paint. 


painted on the glass windows three images ; to wit, of the 
Blessed Mary, St. Edward king and confessor, and St. 
Eustace ; to make benches and forms in the same chapel ; 
to complete the queen's chapel, with an altar in honour of 
St. Edward king and martyr, and St. Edward king and 
confessor, with glass windows on every side in the same 
chapel, in which are to be painted the figures of St. Edward 
king and martyr and St. Edward king and confessor; and to 
wainscote and illuminate the same chapel, and likewise the 
queen's chamber ; under which he is to make a new ward- 
robe for the queen's use with a chimney and a privy-cham- 
ber j he is to finish the new kitchen with a round opening 1 ' ; 
to wainscote, whitewash and illuminate the chamber of 
Edward the king's son ; and to make doors and windows 
to the same where necessary ; to build a chamber for the 
use of the chaplains, under the same roof with the alms- 
house ; and a house for the porter over the gateway ; and 
to place a great table in the king's chamber. Gillingham, 
December 10. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to make a certain 
chamber of hewn stone over the rock where the king's 
wines are at Clarendon, and to place woodwork 8 on the 
walls of the chambers of Edward the king's son, and the 
king's brothers, to which lights 4 may be fastened. Cla- 
rendon, December 14. 

The sheriff of Southampton is commanded to repair the 
herces u , in the king's chapel in Winchester castle, on which 
the wax tapers should be placed, together with the chains 
of the king's thuribles. Southampton, December 18. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to cause an image 
of the Blessed Mary with her child to be made on the 
front of the chapel of St. Thomas in Winchester castle ; to 
paint the queen's wardrobe with green paint and golden 

cum rotunda vacuacione. s tabulatus. * luminaria. u hercias. 



stars ; and to paint a certain angel on the other side of the 
aforesaid chapel ; and the figures of the prophets round 
the same chapel ; to paint in the glass window in the same 
chapel the figure of St. Edward with the ring ; to pave the 
chamber of Edward the king's son with flat tile ; to put 
forms round the king's chamber, and glass windows in the 
chapel of St. Catharine on the top of the same castle ; to 
make mats for the king's chapel ; to wainscote the said 
chapel of St. Catharine ; to widen the doorway of the 
king's hall for the entrance of carts, and to make a house 
for the use of the chaplains, dwelling in the same castle, in 
a fitting place. Winchester, December 28. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to make in the 
king's upper wardrobe in Winchester castle, where the 
king's cloths are deposited, two cupboards x , one on each 
side of the chimney, with two arches 7 , and a certain inter- 
close 2 of board across the same wardrobe. Guildford, 
January 1. 

The sheriff of Northampton is commanded to repair the 
king's houses at Geddington and Silverstone ; and to make 
a certain glass window in the king's hall at Northampton, 
with the figures of Lazarus and Dives painted in the same, 
opposite the king's dais, which may be closed and opened. 
Merton, Jan. 8. 

Godfrey de Lyston is ordered to repair the stalls and 
mangers in the king's stable at Kennington, to make a new 
manger a in the same stable ; to repair the walls and doors 
of the same stable ; and to make a new window in the 
queen's wardrobe there. Westminster, Marcli 2. 

The king to the bailiff of Havering. We command you 
to wainscote our upper chapel at Havering, and to put a 
certain image of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the lower 
chapel, and two'glass windows with the shields of Provence 

x armariola. y archeris. z interclusum. a manjuram. 


in the same chapel; and wainscote over our seat in the 
hall; buy two tables with the forms belonging to them 
for our chamber; build a new chapel twenty-eight feet 
long and fifteen feet wide for our queen's use, with a spur b 
at the entry of the said chapel ; and break the wall be- 
tween the two lower wardrobes of the queen ; and make a 
certain door there ; and place a spur well carved in our 
queen's chamber, and a table with forms in the same cham- 
ber ; and plaster and whitewash our queen's wardrobes, and 
make two spurs in the same, and a " wyuram" in our 
wardrobe ; and repair the chimney in the chamber of 
Edward our son, and remove the wardrobe of the same 
Edward towards the west ; make a louver in the house of 
our chaplains, and build a chandlery and napery adjoining : 
and an almonry of the length of fifty feet and the width of 
twenty-two feet, and a salsary with an oven, contiguous to 
the aforesaid almonry, and a gateway towards the park 
and a house over it ; and repair the roof of the stable, and 
enlarge that stable by thirty feet, and roof that stable and - 
all the other houses to be newly built there with shingles, 
and repair the columns and walls ; and likewise build a 
certain w T all round our court there with rag stone. Haver- 
ing, April 8. 


The sheriff of Oxford is ordered to repair and roof the 
king's houses and walls outside the castle of Oxford, to wit, 
the king's chamber and chapel, the kitchen, salsary, scullery, 
poultry, the great gateway, the chamber of Edward the 
king's son, the queen's wardrobe, and the further chamber 
of the servants. Windsor, January 25. 

The sheriffs of London are commanded fo buy two thou- 

b sporo. 




sand boards and to deliver them to the constable of Wind- 
sor castle, to make therewith certain wainscotes in the same 
castle. Westminster, February 28. 


The sheriff of Sussex is ordered to deliver one hundred 
pounds to the wardens of the king's works at Guildford 
to pay off certain arrears due for the same works, and for 
wainscoting the king's chapel, the queen's chapel, the 
king's chamber and the other chambers newly built there ; 
and for making two great windows in the king's chapel ; 
in barring the windows of the king's new chamber with 
iron ; making the porch to the hall of stone ; for painting 
in the hall there, opposite the king's seat, the story of 
Dives and Lazarus ; making a certain figure with beasts on 
the same seat ; and lengthening the chamber of the king's 
chaplains there. Guildford, January 3. 

The farmers of the manor of Woodstock are ordered to 
repair the chimney of the queen's inner wardrobe at Wood- 
stock ; to buy a certain image of the Blessed Mary for the 
chapel of the king's chamber there ; to repair the painting 
in the king's chamber, where necessary ; to make a cer- 
tain pent-house between the queen's kitchen and the new 
chamber towards the cellar, with a porch before the door 
of the same chamber ; to make a certain wardrobe beside 
the chamber of the king's seneschals ; to block up the two 
doors of the same chamber, and to make a new door in the 
same where it is needed ; to make a certain hedge round 
the king's vivary in the garden, and another hedge between 
the chamber at the gate at Evereswell and the king's chapel 
at the wells ; and to repair the near bay of the stable. 
Woodstock, February 20. 

The sheriff of Surrey and Sussex is ordered to white- 


wash the king's hall at Guildford within and without, and 
to paint of a marble d colour the pillars, with the arches of 
the same ; and to paint the two gables of the same ; and 
to whitewash and quarry 6 the king's chamber ; to paint the 
ceiling in the same of a green colour becomingly sten- 
cilled f with gold and silver j to whitewash within and 
without the king's chapel, the queen's chapel and chamber, 
and the queen's great wardrobe ; to repair the painting in 
the queen's chamber ; to rebuild a certain oriol before the 
door of the king's hall there, and to make a certain new 
cloister with marble columns in the king's garden. Wind- 
sor, May 5. 

The sheriff of Kent is allowed £28. 13*. Id. which he 
expended by the king's order in making a certain stair with 
a door and oriol on the right side of the king's chapel at 
Rochester, so that strangers and others might enter that 
chapel, without passing through the middle of the king's 
chamber, as they used to do. Windsor, May 8. 

The bailiffs of Gloucester are ordered to pave, with all 
despatch, the king's chamber and the queen's chamber in 
Gloucester castle, with tile, and to roof the stairs to the 
entry of the chamber of Edward the king's son. Winches- 
ter, June 24. 

The king to the sheriff of Southampton. We order you 
to wainscote our pantry and cellar in our castle at Win- 
chester ; to remove the earth from the ditch of the same 
castle, under our tower, to behind the hall, and to examine 
and repair the walls of the same castle where repair is 
needed ; to make the postern-gate of new timber ; likewise 
to make a certain house over our oven in the same castle ; 
to repair the painting in our chamber and our queen's ; to 
wainscote the wardrobe of the same queen, and to renew 
the painting in the chapel nigh oar bed ; and to remove 

d marbrari. c quaiellari. 1 extencellari. 



the earth from the path between the castle gate and the 
barbican ; and repair the common privy-chamber in the 
same castle which threatens to fall ; to make a stair from 
the doorway of Rosamund's chamber to the chapel beside 
our bed, and to crenellate well the buttress-column 8 from 
the bottom of the ditch of the tower to the top of the same 
tower ; to complete the town-wall to the said tower ; to 
repair anew the doors and windows of the same tower; 
to wainscote the chapel of St. Catharine in the high tower ; 
and make a glass window in the chapel of St. Thomas with 
a figure of the [Divine] Majesty, and under the Majesty a 
figure of St. Edward holding in his hands a certain king 
offered to the Majesty ; and to make a figure of St. George 
on the wall, in the entry of the hall, with two leaden win- 
dows ; to wainscote the chamber in which Guy de Lezinan 
our brother lay ; and to rebuild the two rotten bretaches 
in the same castle and cover them with lead. Winchester, 
June 29. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to paint the doors 
and windows of the king's chamber at Clarendon, and the 
tablet over the altar of the king's chapel at the same place ; 
to make a glass window in the king's wardrobe there, and 
to repair the other glass windows of the houses at that 
place where necessary ; to make a privy-chamber in the 
house of Robert de Stopham there ; to buy a rope with a 
bucket for the well there, and a carrate 11 of lead to repair 
the gutters of the same place ; to repair the houses over 
the rock, the king's almonry and the aisles 1 of the king's 
hall, where necessary ; and to make a chimney in the 
queen's chamber in the castle of Devizes. Poterne, 
July 12. 

The bailiff of Woodstock is ordered to cause the king's 
chamber, the queen's chamber and all the king's chapels at 

s columpnam. h carrata. 1 alas. 


the manor of Woodstock to be paved, and to make a cer- 
tain chamber with a chimney at the well at Evereswell. 
Woodstock, August 20. 


The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We 
order you to build a certain stone gateway at Guildford, 
and a certain solar above that gateway, of the length 
of thirty-two feet, within the walls, and of the width of 
eighteen feet ; and a becoming wardrobe to the same 
solar; and remove the chimney in the chamber of our 
chancellor there, and put it farther towards the north ; 
and remove the "halder" of the same chamber and put 
it elsewhere ; and whitewash and wainscote that chamber 
over the chancellor's bed ; and make four glass windows 
in the gable of our hall ; mend a window in the chapel of 
St. Catharine, and raise and repair the chimney in our 
queen's chamber. Whitewash and repair, where needful, 
the tower of our castle there, and repair and whitewash 
the walls of the bailey of the same castle. And do all 
these works by the view and counsel of master John of 
Gloucester our mason, and master Alexander our carpenter. 
Winchester, November 23. 

The sheriff of Southampton is commanded to wainscote 
the king's privy-chamber in Winchester castle ; to renovate 
the painting of the queen's chamber, and of a certain tablet 
in her chapel, and of the windows of the king's hall which 
are [painted] with his arms ; to make a pavement of tiles 
on the upper step of the king's hall, towards the east ; to 
re-paint a certain tablet in the chapel of St. Thomas ; to 
bar all the windows of the king's small chapel with iron ; 
to examine and repair all the gutters in Winchester castle ; 
to lengthen the house of the king's chaplains by twenty-fou r 



feet, so that a cellar and solar may be made of that [new] 
length ; and he is to wainscote that cellar for the use of the 
king's chaplains ; to make a small oven, for pasties k , beside 
the king's oven ; to remove and melt the lead over the 
gateway, and cover it with new lead, and to put a table- 
men t 1 on the wall over the chaplain's house ; to make other 
repairs where necessary, and to pull down and rebuild the 
great tower in the aforesaid castle, which threatens to fall. 
Winchester, November 28. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to repair the king's 
chamber at Clarendon where necessary ; to renovate the 
paintings of the tablets in the king's chapel there ; to en- 
close the pent-house which is between the king's chamber 
and the chamber of Alexander, with boards ; to wainscote 
the chamber nigh the park, over the bed ; to make a cer- 
tain small oratory in it ; to repair the doors and windows 
of the same chamber, and all the other defects of the king's 
court at Clarendon. Clarendon, December 7. 


The sheriff of Surrey is to build a gateway with a chim- 
ney at Guildford, as the king lately enjoined unto master 
John his mason; and to make a salsary and a larder, for 
the king's use, under one roof ; likewise to make a house 
to store the king's fire-wood ; to pave the king's chapel, the 
queen's chapel, the king's chamber and the queen's cham- 
ber there ; to make a certain house for a stable between 
the king's hall and kitchen ; to block up the outer and 
inner doorway of the chamber under the oriol, and to 
make a door from the king's wardrobe into that chamber 
under the oriol ; to make a small house to heat the queen's 
food ; and two pent-houses, one, to wit, from the chamber 

" pastillos. i tabu! amentum. 

K k 


of Edward the king's son towards the kitchens, and an- 
other from the chamber of the chaplains towards the 
kitchens ; and to repair all the other houses there as well 
of the almonry as others. Guildford, November 25. 


The bailiff of Woodstock is ordered to pave the king's 
new chapel at Woodstock, by the advice of master John of 
Gloucester, the king's mason ; to paint the king's seat in 
the same chapel, as the king enjoined him; likewise to 
pave the queen's chapel there; to repair the passage be- 
tween the stair of the king's chamber and the queen's 
lower chamber, and all other houses there; to pull down 
and rebuild the roof of the chaplains' chamber there ; to 
lengthen the queen's stable to the entrance gate into the 
park ; to make the small window near the great door of the 
hall after the fashion of the other windows of the same hall; 
to repair Rosamund's chamber at Evereswell where neces- 
sary ; and to make a new door to the king's cellar in place 
of that which is pulled down. Woodstock, June 16. 

A payment to John Pollard of 37s. 9 d. for making nine 
thousand tiles to repair a certain hearth m in the king's 
kitchen at Windsor. Windsor, June 22. 


The constable of Marlborough castle is ordered to build 
a new stable in Marlborough castle, where the old one 
stood ; to put two large glass windows in the two windows 
of the king's chamber towards the west ; a glass window 
in the queen's small wardrobe ; and glass windows in the 
chamber beside the king's hall ; to remove the shingles from 

m astrum , 



the roof of the king's great kitchen and to cover it with 
stone ; to make a louver 11 over the same kitchen, and cover 
it with lead ; to take the thatch off the outer chamber in 
the high tower, and cover it with the shingles of the said 
kitchen, and to crest it with lead ; to cover the angles and 
crests of the roof on the high tower with lead, and to crest 
the tresance between the king's chapel and the stair of his 
chamber. St. Paul's, London, May 11. 

The treasurer and chamberlains of the Exchequer are 
ordered to pay Martin de Campo Florido, clerk of the king's 
receipt, and master John of Gloucester, the king's mason, 
one hundred and twenty-six pounds, seventeen shillings 
and eight-pence half-penny ; which they expended by the 
king's order in repairing the king's chimney at Westminster 
which threatened to fall ; and in repairing the conduit of 
water which is carried under ground to the king's lavatory 
and to other places there; and likewise in the repair of 
the king's houses there ; and in making a certain conduit 
through which the refuse of the king's kitchens at West- 
minster flows into the Thames ; which conduit the king 
ordered to be made on account of the stink of the dirty 
water which was carried through his halls, which was 
wont to affect the health of the people frequenting the 
same halls. Westminster, June 4. 

The bailiff of Havering is ordered to wainscote and crest 
the queen's chapel at Havering, and to well earth the 
flooring of the same chapel; to make alures round the 
same chapel, and glass windows ; and to place a Crucifix 
with Mary and John in it. Merton, June 22. 

Richard Fremantle is commanded to make in Windsor 
castle between the almonry and the turret in which John 
Maunsel used to sleep, for the use of the bishop of Laodicea, 
a certain pent-house-chamber p , of the length of fifty feet, 

" fumerellum. ° planchicium. p cameram appenticiam. 


and a chimney of plaster to the same, and a certain ward- 
robe fifteen feet long. Windsor, August 16. 

The king to the sheriff of Surrey. We order you to 
pave well our chamber, the queen's chamber and the cloister 
at Guildford ; to make two doors and a bench in the same 
cloister; two glass windows in the pent-house which is 
beside the queen's little meadow ; to complete the wall 
of our hall-porch ; to make a certain wall near our kitchen 
with a gateway ; to repair as well the glass as other win- 
dows of our hall and chapel and other houses there, and 
likewise the gutters of the same houses, and the roofs of 
the aforesaid chapel, of the pantry, butlery, and all our 
other houses there. Guildford, August 19. 

The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to renew the 
painting of the hall in Winchester castle, and the painting 
of the chamber and table of the queen ; to repair the glass 
windows of the king's chapel beside his chamber, the 
gutters of the chamber of the chaplains, and a pillar in the 
oriol towards the queen's chapel. Winchester, August 26. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to repair the 
painting of the king's chapel and chamber at Clarendon ; to 
paint the images of the same chapel, and to new paint and 
well pave the queen's chapel, and to repair the windows of 
the same chapel ; he is also to joist and cover with lead 
the queen's tower. Ludgershall, September 10. 

Richard Freemantle is ordered to build a certain wall 
before the gateway of the king's garden at Windsor; to 
remove the gardener's house there, and to put it in a more 
fitting place towards the east, and to cover it with tile. 
Windsor, October 6. 


The same is commanded to make glass windows on each 
side of the king's seat in the hall at Windsor, with certain 



figures, which the king enjoined him to paint in them : and 
he is to make an interclose q of board on each side of the 
great altar in the king's chapel at Windsor, with proper 
doors ; and he is to paint that interclose and doors as 
the king enjoined him. Woodstock, December 14. 

The sheriff of Surrey is commanded to make at the head 
of the table in the king's hall at Guildford, towards the 
entry of the king's chamber, a certain spur r of wood ; and 
to paint there the figure of St. Edward, and the figure of 
St. John holding a ring in his hand ; and likewise to paint 
the same figures on the wall beside the king's seat in the 
chapel at Guildford ; and to cause a certain figure of the 
Blessed Mary to be made and placed in the queen's chapel 
there. Tower of London, February 13. 

The sheriff of Dorset is ordered to wainscote the king's 
chapel and the queen's chapel at Gillingham, over the 
altars of the same chapels ; and to make a certain bench 8 
between the king's hall and kitchen to arrange the king's 
dinner on. Winchester, June 13. 


Aymon Thurumbert is commanded to wainscote the 
new chamber contiguous to the queen's chamber in Windsor 
castle, like the king's other chambers there are wainscoted ; 
and to paint that wainscote of a green colour with gold 
stars. Merton, December 23. 


The king to the bailiff of Kennington. We order you 
to make a certain chimney in our chamber at Kennington, 
and to cause the twelve months of the year to be painted 
on every side of that chimney. Missenden, December 16. 

q interclusiim ; now called a parclose. r espurrum. * scabelliam. 


The constable of Winchester castle is ordered to roof 
and repair the king's houses in the great tower, the Jews' 
tower, and in the tower of St. Katherine, and the principal 
chamber of the donjon which was wont to be the king's 
wardrobe, and the houses of the other towers, and the 
king's hall and chamber; to repair a certain chamber of 
two stories for the use of the chaplains • to paint all the 
doors and windows of the king's hall and chamber with 
his arms ; to make a certain window of white glass, and to 
cause the nativity of the blessed Mary to be painted in it. 
Westminster, February 11. 


The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to pull down the 
long house beside the great gateway of the manor of 
Clarendon, and to make in its stead a chamber with a 
chimney, and an outer chamber for the use of the king's 
esquires ; to build a small gate nigh the same gateway ; 
a good and strong prison ; a house for the use of the car- 
penters working there ; and a chimney in the chamber 
over the king's cellar in the rock at the manor aforesaid ; 
to put two large windows in the chamber of Alexander ; 
four Evangelists in the glass windows of the king's hall ; to 
make a deer-leap in the park there ; to build a long house 
of which a pantry and butlery may be made for the queen's 
use and that of Eleanor the consort of Edward the king's 
eldest son ; a kitchen for the use of the same queen, with 
a certain alure between that kitchen and the same queen's 
chamber ; a certain outer chamber to the chamber of the 
seneschal of the aforesaid queen ; to build a wall of stone 
and lime around the aforesaid manor where the wall is 
deficient ; to lengthen the chamber of the aforesaid senes- 
chal, and to cover the queen's chamber with lead where 



necessary ; and to repair the ancient wall and all the 
king's other houses there. Clarendon, December 17. 

The sheriff of Surrey and Sussex is commanded to 
build within the courtyard of the king's manor of Guildford 
a certain chamber with an upper story 1 , and a chimney, 
wardrobe and outer chamber, and a certain chapel at 
the head of the same chamber, with an upper story, and 
glass windows befitting the same chamber and chapel, for 
the use of Eleanor the consort of Edward the king's eldest 
son ; and a chamber with an upper story and chimney, 
outer chamber, and glass windows befitting the same cham- 
ber, for the use of the knights of the king's consort, A. 
queen of England; and to make a new pent-house there, 
and to repair and improve the queen's " herbour" there, 
as the king enjoined unto William Florentyn his painter. 
Westminster, January 19. 


The sheriff of Wiltshire is commanded to remake anew 
the spur u in the king's hall at Clarendon, at the door 
on the south side of the same hall ; and to repair, without 
delay, the aisles, windows and oriols of the same hall, 
and the passages from the outer gate ; to make a new glass 
window in the king's wardrobe; to repair the gutter 
between the queen's wardrobe and the chamber of the 
king's chaplains, and the stairs of the rock x nigh the king's 
wine cellar, &c. Clarendon, December 10. 

The sheriff of Southampton is directed to build an oriol y 
between the new chamber and the queen's chapel in Win- 
chester castle, of the width of the same chamber, and a 
passage 2 to the oriol of the aforesaid chapel with four 
glass windows, and other small openings of glass ; and a 

1 stadio. u espoerun. x la Roche. y auriolum. 2 aleiam. 


chimney in the aforesaid oriol to heat the queen's victuals ; 
and to build under the aforesaid oriol two walls from 
the said chamber to the chapel aforesaid, and a gate by 
which carts can enter and go out ; and two offices for the 
pantry and butlery, and a privy-chamber beside the chamber 
aforesaid ; to widen the chimney in the same chamber from 
one window to the other; and to repair the "herbour," as 
the king enjoined him orally. Winchester, December 27. 

The same is ordered to make a privy-chamber beside 
Rosamund's chamber in Winchester castle; another to 
the chamber of the king's chaplains ; a certain gate beside 
the chapel of St. Thomas at the entrance of the king's 
" herbour ;" to put four glass windows in the queen's new 
wardrobe ; three " pomellos" covered with lead on the 
hall and the king's wardrobe ; to wainscote the queen's 
wardrobe aforesaid ; to carve and paint an image of St. 
Edward and place it over the door of the king's hall ; to 
plaster the floor {area) of the queen's chamber ; to make a 
certain privy-chamber to the same chamber, in the fashion 
of a turret with a double vaulting a , and a chimney in the 
same ; to renovate the paintings of the frontals before the 
altars in the king's chapel, and all the other paintings of 
the king's houses and chapels there. Westminster, July 26. 


The sheriff of Northampton is ordered to complete the 
chair in the king's hall at Northampton castle lately begun, 
and to cause it to be carved as the king enjoined him 
orally. Westminster, November 18. 

a duplici vousura. 




Henry de Pateshull the king's treasurer is ordered to 
cause the boarding at the back of the king's seat in the 
chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster, and the boarding at 
the back of the queen's seat on the other side of the same 
chapel, to be painted externally and internally of a green 
colour ; and to paint beside the seat of the same queen a 
certain cross with Mary and John, opposite the king's 
cross which is painted beside the king's seat. Winchester, 
February 7. 

The same is ordered to cause the king's great chamber 
at Westminster to be painted of a good green colour, in 
the fashion of a curtain, and to paint in the great gable of 
the same chamber that verse b , 

Ke ne dune ke ne tune, ne prent ke desire ; 

and also to paint the king's small wardrobe of a green 
colour in the fashion of a curtain ; so that the king at his 
next coming there may find the aforesaid chamber and 
wardrobe so painted and ornamented. Mere well, May 30. 


Odo the goldsmith is ordered to displace without delay 
the painting which was commenced in the king's great 
chamber at Westminster, under the great history of the 
same chamber, with panels containing the species and 
figures of lions, birds and other beasts ; and to paint it of a 
green colour in the fashion of a curtain, so that that great 
history may be preserved unhurt. Windsor, August 14. 

k ludum. 

L 1 


H. de Pateshull the king's treasurer is ordered that with 
the marble which he has in his custody, and which ought 
to be retained for the use of Thomas de Multon, he do 
cause to be made becomingly the steps before the altar in 
the chapel of St. Stephen at Westminster ; and with the 
rest of the same marble to make the steps before the altar 
in the queen's chapel at Westminster, when it shall be 
completed ; and if that marble should not be sufficient 
for both works, then to cause those steps to be made of 
painted tile ; he is likewise to cause the small chapel at 
Westminster to be decently paved with painted tile, and to 
paint at the back of the king's seat, in the same chapel, 
the history of Joseph ; he is also to wainscote well and to 
ornament the queen's chamber, and the wardrobe under 
that chamber ; and to cause a window of white glass to be 
made and placed in the window barred with iron which is 
in the farthest chamber of the same wardrobe ; so that that 
chamber may not be so windy as it used to be. West- 
minster, February 10. 


Edward Fitz-Otho is ordered to cause the small wardrobe, 
in which the king's robes hang, to be wainscoted, and the 
privy-chamber to be plastered ; and to buy good plants of 
pears, and deliver them to the constable of Windsor. 
Windsor, February 12. 

The same is ordered to board the privy-chamber of the 
chaplains like a ship. Windsor, March 3. 





The keepers of the works at Windsor are ordered to 
paint the Old and New Testament in the king's chapel, and 
to wainscote the king's cloister there. Bordeaux, April 10. 

The justices of Ireland are directed to cause to be built 
in Dublin castle a hall containing one hundred and twenty- 
feet in length and eighty feet in width, with sufficient 
windows and glass casements, after the fashion of the hall 
at Canterbury ; and they are to make in the gable over the 
dais a round window thirty feet in circumference ; and also 
to paint over the same dais a king and a queen sitting with 
their baronage ; and they are to build a great portal at the 
entry of the same hall. Bordeaux, April 24. 

The archbishop of York is commanded to cause the 
works to proceed, as well in winter as summer, until the 
king's chapel at Windsor be finished ; and to cause to be 
made there a high wooden roof in the fashion of the roof of 
the new work at Lichfield, so that it may appear to be 
stone-work, with good wainscoting and painting; and to 
cover that chapel with lead ; to cause four gilded images to 
be made in the same chapel, and to put them in the places 
in which the king had ordered such images to be placed ; 
and he is to build a stone turret in front of the same cha- 
pel in which three or four bells may be hung. Bordeaux, 
August 20. 


The keepers of the works at Windsor are directed to 
cause the high chamber, on the wall of the castle beside the 
king's chapel, in the upper bailey of the castle, to be wains- 
coted by day and night, so that it may be ready and be- 
comingly wainscoted by Friday, when the king shall come 


there, with radiated and coloured boards, and that nothing 
be found reprehensible in that wainscote. They are also 
to make a white glass window in each gable of the same 
chamber ; outside the interior window of each gable ; so to 
wit, that when the inner windows shall be closed those 
glass windows may appear outside. Westminster, No- 
vember 24. 


Edward Eitz-Otho is ordered, as he would avoid the ire 
and indignation of the king, to cause to be made without 
delay a certain passaged to extend from the round lavatory 6 
in the king's court at Westminster to the door which leads 
towards the chapel of St. Stephen there, so that that pas- 
sage may be ready before the Nativity. Marlborough, 
November 29. 

The constable of the tower of London is ordered to 
deliver to Edward Eitz-Otho as much lead as shall be 
necessary to cover a certain great porch which the king has 
directed to be made between the lavatory and the door en- 
tering into the smaller hall at Westminster. Earringdon, 
December 3. 

The same Edward is commanded to cause that porch f , 
which is to be such as may become so great a palace, to be 
made between the lavatory before the king's kitchens and 
the door entering into the smaller hall : so that the king 
may dismount from his palfrey in it at a handsome front g ; 
and walk under it between the aforesaid door and the 
lavatory aforesaid ; and also from the king's kitchen and 
the chamber of the knights ; and he is to cover it with the 
aforesaid lead ; and to take care that he has so many 
carpenters and workmen for this purpose, that it may be 
wholly finished before the king's coming, to the king's 

d aleam. e lotorio. f porticus. ? ad honestam frontem. 



knowledge, otherwise he is not to expect the king's arrival 

Edward of Westminster is ordered to have the king's 
marble seat in the great hall at Westminster, and likewise 
the aqueduct, ready before Easter. St. Alban's, March 11. 

The king to Edward of Westminster. As we remember 
you said to us that it would be little more expensive to make 
two brass leopards to be placed on each side of our seat at 
Westminster, than to make them of incised or sculptured 
marble, we command you to make them of metal as you 
said; and make the steps before the seat aforesaid of 
carved stone. Dumesley, March 13. 


The king to Edward Eitz-Otho. Since the privy-chamber 
of our wardrobe at London is situated in an undue and 
improper place, wherefore it smells badly, we command you 
on the faith and love by which you are bounden unto us, 
that you in no wise omit to cause another privy-chamber 
to be made in the same wardrobe in such more fitting 
and proper place as you may select there, even though 
it should cost a hundred pounds. So that it may be made 
before the feast of the Translation of St. Edward, before we 
shall come thither. This, however, we leave to be done 
at your discretion. Clarendon, June 24. 


The sheriff of York is ordered to cause to be made in 
the chamber of the archbishop at York, in which the king 
will pass the night, a door between the chimney of the 
same chamber and the queen's chamber there; and a 
privy-chamber of the length of twenty feet through the 


same door, with a deep pit h : and to make as well in the 
king's as in the queen's chamber a screen between the 
door and the king's bed, and the bed of the same queen. 
Westminster, October 31. 


The sheriff of Nottingham and Derby is ordered to break 
without delay, the wall at the foot of the king's bed in the 
king's chamber at Clipston, and to make a certain privy- 
chamber for the king's use, and cover it with shingles. 
Westminster, October 21. 


The king in the presence of master William the monk 
of Westminster, lately ordained and provided at Win- 
chester, for making a certain picture at Westminster, in 
the wardrobe where the king is wont to wash his head, of 
the king who was rescued by his dogs from the sedi- 
tion plotted against the same king by his subjects ; con- 
cerning which picture the king has sent other letters to 
Edward of Westminster. And Philip Luvel the king's 
treasurer and the aforesaid Edward of Westminster, are 
ordered to pay without delay to the same master William, 
the expense and cost of making the same picture. Win- 
chester, June 30. 


Master John of Gloucester, the king's mason, and the 
wardens of the works at Westminster are ordered to 




supply five figures of kings cut in free-stone, and a certain 
stone to be placed under the feet of an image of the Blessed 
Mary, to the wardens of the works of the church of St. 
Martin, London, for the same works, of the king's gift. 
Westminster, May 11. 




In many towns, both in Erance and in Germany, will be 
found remains of houses of the thirteenth century ; usually 
they have undergone much alteration, particularly in the 
ground floor, so that original entrances are but seldom 
extant. It would seem, however, that in general the 
ground floor was used for store-houses, or in some cases 
shops, and in Erance was often built with an open arcade, 
and that the chief dwelling room was on the first floor. 
The town houses of this century are usually found to have 
narrow fronts, and in Germany and the north of Erance 
high gables ; they are often of three or four, and some- 
times of five stories. Examples of houses of this kind 
may be found at Treves ; one large one of transition Ro- 
manesque style is not far from the Black Gate, and remains 
of lesser ones in a street leading northwards from the old 
Rath-haus, now the hotel called the Rothes Haus. Some 
of these have the chimney partly projecting from the centre 
of the front, and corbelled off in an ornamental manner a 
little above the level of the first floor. A house at Laon, 
(in the Rue des Chanoines,) which is very late in this cen- 
tury, and has been but little altered, appears to have had 


a cellar, and over this three stories. The first, or principal 
floor, has a range of three windows, each of two square- 
headed lights ; over these are very tall crocketed canopies 
of much elegance, enclosing tracery of an early character. 
In this room is a fire-place, the only one of which traces 

Another class of houses of this century is that of 
those with towers ; of these, probably the most remarkable 
examples remaining are at Ratisbon. In that city are 
several of this date, more or less complete. The most 
perfect seems to be that in the Waller Strasse, which street 
is said to derive its name from the family to whom this 
house belonged. It has a tall narrow front of four stories ; 
all the lower part has been altered, but in the fourth story 
the two original windows remain ; each is of two lights, 
separated by a shaft, the one has trefoiled arches, while 
those of the other are plain pointed. The front finishes 
with a cornice, and is not gabled towards the street. The 
tower ranges with the front of the house, and is tall and 
slender. It has no less than nine stories ; in each is a 
window of two lights, divided by a shaft, excepting in the 
third story, in which the window is of three lights, and 
the ninth, in which there are two small separate windows. 
These windows are of the most studied variety, no two 
being quite alike. This building seems to be quite of 
the end of the century, unless, as may be the case, some 
of the windows are later insertions. 

An example of considerably earlier date, and very little 
altered, remains at Gondorf on the Moselle. It is oblong 
in plan, with a tower ranging with one of the ends. It is 
of four stories besides the space in the roof, and has stepped 
gables at each end. The windows of the ground floor and 
original entrance have been destroyed or altered ; those of 
the first and second floors are of two lights, while those of 

m m 



the third are single lights trefoiled ; at one end is a small 
projecting oriol. There seem to have been no vaulted 
floors, and the stairs appear to have been of wood, and 
carried in flights against the wall at the end at which the 
tower stands. The tower is entered by doors leading 
from several of the stories ; the windows in it are either 
mere loops, or plain square openings. Its proportions are 
tall and slender, and it rises considerably above the house. 
There are remains of fire-places on the ground and the first 
and second floors. It measures internally about 42 ft. by 
28 ft. Houses of a similar character are said to exist at 
Metz a , and perhaps at Toulouse. 

Of houses of the first class there are remains more 
or less considerable: at Beauvais, Bourges, Autun, Puy b , 
Tournay (?) Limoges b , St. Yrieix c , Chagny (?) Cluny, &c. 

At Laon, besides the house above mentioned, are some 
considerable remains in a narrow street leading out of the 
Rue des Chanoines ; the most remarkable portions are two 
immense chimneys with circular shafts. 

Of thirteenth century houses of greater size and less 
simple plan, but few remains appear as yet to have been 
noticed. One fine example exists in the bishop's palace at 
Laon, now used as the Palais de Justice. The most striking 
part of this is a large building of three stories ; the two 
lower ones have only small pointed windows, but the upper, 
which possibly formed a great hall, has two sets, each of 
three windows, of large size ; they probably contained 
tracery, but modern casements have been placed in every 
window. On the north side the two lower stories have 
buttresses, the upper three semicircular turrets, one at each 

L' Art en Allemagne par H. Fortoul, 
vol. ii. p. 486. 

b Annales Archeologiques, March, 

A very fine example is engraved 

and described in the Annales Archeo- 
logiques, March, 1846, in the article 
" Architecture civile du Moyen Age," 
by F. de Verneilh. 








end, and the third between them, but not in the middle. 
On the south side, which looked into a court, the ground 
floor has an open arcade, the arches supported by plain 
circular columns. The ends of this building have tali 
gables ornamented by stiff crockets. To the west of this 
is a long range of building, also of three stories, with plain 
square loops on the north or exterior side. East of the 
main corps-de-logis is a lesser range of building, gabled 
north and south, i. e. at right angles to the former ; it 
appears also to have had three stories, although much less 
lofty. It seems to be of somewhat earlier date. 

Near Bree, in the arron dissentient of Laval, (Mayenne,) 
is the Manoir de la Courbe, which is said to date from the 
end of the twelfth or the earlier part of the thirteenth cen- 
tury. It is described as having a court entered by a gate- 
tower; at the bottom of the court is the main building, 
flanked by a tower at each end, one round the other poly- 
gonal. The remains of two large halls are also mentioned, 
the one about 52 feet by 26, the other about 62 feet 
by 30 d . 


The interior of the gigantic circular keep-tower of the 
castle of Coucy retains many fragments of the painting 
with which its walls were decorated, and these appear to 
be coeval with the building, which is believed to have 
been erected by Enguerrard III. 

The patterns are painted on a coat of plaster, of a pale 
buff colour ; the markings, imitative of the joints of stone- 
work, are in white lines, with a central line of red. The 
patterns are of a chocolate colour (possibly originally red) 
with darker shading and a white border. The patterns 

d Guide du Voyagcur dans la France Monumentale, p. 589. 



are varied in each window ; one of the most perfect is 
represented in the cut, which is of one of the windows on 
the first floor. 


This fire-place is on the ground floor of a house of late 
Romanesque character, (all the arches circular,) at Carden, 
on the Moselle : the front of the hood is formed of a mas- 
sive beam of wood e plastered over, and the plaster retains 
traces of red paint. The upper part of the hood is so 
thickly coated with plaster, that it would be difficult to 
ascertain its material. The chimney shaft is carried up in 
the wall, projecting only a little on the outside ; it finishes 
about 8 ft. from the ground with an ornamental corbelling, 
and rises square above the roof, but only 3 to 4 ft. above 
the eaves. 


This city contains a number of examples of the Domestic 
architecture of the middle ages, some of which are as 
early as the twelfth century ; a house in the Rue St. Croix 
has a fine window of two lights of transition Norman cha- 
racter; the arches are round, but the mouldings are late, and 
the dripstone has the tooth-ornament under it. Another 
house at the corner of a street has an arcade on the front 
of the first floor, the arches of which are round-headed, 
some of them stilted ; they appear to be of this period, but 
may possibly be work of the sixteenth century, as the 
imitation of old work at that period in France, is often so 
good as to render it difficult to distinguish it. 

e In the Annales Archeologiques for ring in a house at St. Yrieix. — (Haute 
March 1846, a similar instance of a man- Vienne.) 
tel-piece of wood is mentioned as occur- 








S.e — - 

li. Bonei, net. 









A house in the Rue Briconnet is a good example of the 
early part of the thirteenth century ; it has a gable end to 
the street, with two small lancet windows in the gable ; 
under these on the principal floor is a range of three 
windows of two lights, with pointed arches, and a con- 
nected dripstone and string over them ; the lights them- 
selves are square topped, and have a transom high up to 
fix the casement : the whole of this work appears to be 
original ; the lower part of the house is mutilated ; another 
range of windows on the side of the house is very similar 
to those just described, except that the arches are carried 
on shafts. Another house, in the Rue de Rapin, is probably 
half a century later than those just mentioned. The windows 
are very good, with trefoil heads, and elegant shafts, at- 
tached to a narrow pier, or solid mullion, at the back of 
which is a projection in the stone- work, with a hole through 
it for the bolt to fix the casement or shutter. 


The city of Angers abounds in remains of the Domestic 
architecture of the middle ages, some of which are of the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The hospital of St. John, 
built about 1160 by Henry the Second, king of England, and 
count of Anjou, remains for the most part in the same state 
in which it was left by him. The hall is a very fine build- 
ing : it is divided into three aisles, by very light pillars, carry- 
ing Transition arches and vaults slightly domical. It is eight 
bays in length, each bay has a separate vault, there are 
therefore twenty-four of these small domes, but they are so 
low as not to interfere with the external roof. They have 
bold round ribs on the groins of the eight cells into which 
each dome is divided, as at the cathedral. 



But these round ribs occur only in the eastern part of the 
cathedral, which was built after 1200. The chapel is of 
precisely the same character, and equally good, with very 
light pillars, and vaults, as in the hall. The windows are 
all round-headed. The doorways are also round-headed, 
but richly moulded, of very late Norman character. The 
effect of the chapel has been much injured by altering the 
position of the altar, blocking up the original entrance, and 
making a new one in a bad situation. The east end is 
square, but the vaults are arranged so as to give the effect 
of an apse. The cloister is good late Norman, or rather 
Transition ; two sides of it are perfect. 

The barn is a very fine one of the same period. It is 
divided into three aisles by two ranges of round-headed 
arches, on double shafts. The windows are in couples, with 
a diamond-shaped opening in the head. The doorway is 
round-headed, and opens on an external stone staircase. 
The mouldings are of late Norman character. The cellar 
under it is large, but very plain, with a good plain vault. 
The other buildings of the monastery are modern. 

Near the hospital is the building called the Hospice, of 
about the same age, which still retains a rich late Norman 

In the Rue des Penitentes is another house of nearly the 
same period, though the work is not so rich : it is built of 
a dark-coloured slate, the material of the country, with 
dressings of white stone, and has evidently been origi- 
nally cased with stone, but the greater part of the casing 
has been stripped off. The principal windows are of two 
lights with diamond-shaped openings in the head. This 
house is of three stories, with the gable end to the street. 









Merindol, del. 


Scale, 20 feet to an in;h A. B line of section 

O Jewitt, «c. 







At a short distance from the church, and separated from 
it by some other buildings, is the kitchen, commonly called 
the octagon chapel or tower of Evrault. It is a very good 
and rare example of a kitchen of the twelfth century. The 
general form resembles that at Glastonbury, but this one is 
much more ancient. The ground-plan is octagonal. The 
first story is square, raised on four lofty arches, each across 
two sides of the octagon ; above the square story the plan is 
again octagonal, but much reduced in size ; the octagon is 
formed by squinches across the angles of the square, and on 
these is carried the spire, terminating in an open smoke 
louvre. There are shafts in the angles of the octagon on 
the ground, alternately high and low ; the low ones carry 
the springing of the arches as usual, the high ones are con- 
nected with the points of the arches, to which they serve as 
buttresses : the four large arches cross the alternate angles, 
and the tall shafts being in these angles, are connected with 
the points of the arches by short open ribs. Under each of 
the large arches are two small ones, which serve as the 
openings of the fire-places, each of which had its separate 
chimney-flue, the lower part of which remains. The capi- 
tals are of late Norman character, with plain foliage ; the 
arches are quite plain, and square in section. The smoke 
louvre at the top has trefoiled openings, but it is not so old 
as the rest, and may be of the fourteenth century. The 
exterior has a series of small apses, with a shaft in each 
recess. There are openings into the spire. Between the 
top of the apsidal vaults and the springing of the spire there 
is an interval of modern masonry, and it is here that the 
shafts of the chimneys have been cut off. It would appear 
that they were originally carried up in straight shafts, re- 



sembling pinnacles round the base of the spire, but there is 
no positive evidence of this. The flues cannot be traced 
more than a few feet from the lower opening, but two 
artists who have furnished sections of the building have 
both drawn the flues straight up as far as the base of the 
spire, where they appear to be cut off. The masonry of 
the spire is of small stones of an early appearance. 


This town has several early Domestic buildings of in- 
terest ; the building called " Le Cite" is partly of the 
twelfth century, though on Roman foundations. In the 
Rue Defarge is a curious house of the twelfth century, 
said to have been at one period a convent, but originally 
built as a merchant's house ; the upper story is nearly 
perfect, with a cornice enriched with the square billet 
ornament ; under this is a range of four windows, under 
round-headed arches, with the scallop ornament ; the jambs 
are ornamented with a peculiar kind of zigzag, and a shaft 
attached : the small sub-arches of the four lights are also 
enriched in the same manner ; the three central shafts are 
destroyed, (restored in the drawing;) at each end of this 
front is a small doorway, which is carried down below the 
level of the string under the windows ; the approach to 
these doorways appears to have been by a wooden stair- 
case or step ladder, as there are no marks of an external 
staircase, but the lower story of the house has been mo- 
dernized. There is an engraving of this house in Didron's 
Annales Archeologiques. 









This little town is of singular interest to the antiquary, 
it appears to have been nearly deserted from the time that 
its trade was ruined in the fourteenth century, by the 
building of the two neighbouring Bastides or free towns of 
Libourne and St. Toy. Scarcely a house seems to have 
been built since that time, and one half of the existing 
houses are more or less in ruins. The bishop's palace is a 
very fine and interesting remain of the character of the 
twelfth century, though said to be of later date. Another 
house has portions clearly of the twelfth century, in which 
is a very fine and rich window. The very curious subter- 
ranean church, excavated in the solid rock, and divided 
into nave and aisles, and chapels, all of the twelfth cen- 
tury, does not belong to our province. 


The small town on this celebrated mount has been so 
repeatedly destroyed by fire that no portion of medieval 
work remains, but among the Domestic buildings of the 
abbey are some valuable portions • the windows of the li- 
brary are particularly good, they are of two lights, square- 
headed, with a trefoil of plate tracery in the tympanum 
over them. The wonderful pile of building called the 
" Merveille," may almost be considered as of a Domestic 
character. It is situated nearly on the summit of the rock, 
and is of three stories ; the lowest or basement consists of 
a long series of dark vaulted chambers, originally used for 
stables, and for depositing fire-wood : the first floor or 
principal story consists of two very fine halls, each divided 
into three parts, like nave and aisles ; one is called the 
Hall of the Knights, the other the Refectory of the Monks, 
the latter is of a somewhat lighter character than the 

n n 


former, but there are not many years' difference between 
any parts of this magnificent building. Over the Refec- 
tory is the dormitory, and over the Hall of the Knights is 
the cloister, which is thus nearly the highest point of the 
whole structure, and is about three hundred feet above the 
level of the sands. This cloister has an inscription cut in 
the wall recording its completion in 1226; this was the last 
part finished, the crowning work of the whole glorious pile, 
but the whole was probably built within thirty or forty years 
of that time. In each of the halls are two fine fire-places. 
The whole is of a half monastic half Domestic character. 


This city contains many remains of medieval Domestic 
architecture ; (the magnificent choir of the cathedral, with 
the ancient nave called the Basse-CEuvre, do not come within 
the sphere of the present work.) Among the houses is one 
of the end of the thirteenth century, which affords a re- 
markably fine example of a facade of a town house of that 
period, the gable end to the street, with three windows, 
having pointed arches, with two lights under each, the 
lights trefoil-headed, and having a pierced trefoil of bar- 
tracery over them. These windows are surmounted by 
pyramidal canopies, with crockets and finials, and a crock* 
eted string continued horizontally. The lower part of the 
house is modernized. 


In Italy there are numerous examples of the Domestic 
architecture of the thirteenth century, but the author has 
not been able to procure any accurate account of them, 
and the limits of this work obviously preclude the pos- 
sibility of entering into much detail on the remains of 
other countries. 



DOL. 12th century. 




No. I. 

The London Assise of 1189 from the 11 Liber de Antiquis Legibus" 

" Hie subnotatur quomodo procedendum sit in civitate in placito, 
quod vocatur Assisa. 

Anno Domini M°. C°. lxxxix., scilicet, primo anno regni illustris 
Regis Ricardi, existente tunc Henrico filio Aylewini Maiore, qui fuit 
primus Maior Londoniarum, provisum fuit et ordinatum per discretos 
viros Civitatis ad contentiones pacificandas, que quandoque oriuntur 
inter vicinos in civitate super clausturis inter terras eorum factis vel 
faciendis et rebus aliis ; ita quod, secundum quod tunc provisum fuit 
et ordinatum, debent tales contentiones pacificari. Dicta vero pro- 
visio et ordinatio vocata est Assisa. 

Ad quam assisam prosequendam et ad effectum producendam electi 
sunt xii viri de civitate in pleno Hustingo et ibidem jurati quod ad 
illam exequendam fideliter intendent, et ad summonitionem Maioris 
venient, nisi causa rationabili sint impediti. Necesse est tamen quod 
major pars predictorum xii virorum intersint cum Maiore ad pre- 
dictum negotium exequendum. 

Sciendum est quod qui petit assisam debet earn petere in pleno 
Hustingo, et Maior assingnabit ei diem infra illos octo dies, quod per 
predictos xii viros vel per maiorem partem illorum, sicut predictum 
est, assisa ilia terminetur. 

Si vero Hustingus non sedeat, ut tempore quo sunt Nundine Sanc- 
ti Botulfi, et tempore messium, et tempore quo Nundine sunt apud 
Wyntoniam, et aliquis habeat necesse ad dictam assisam petendam, 
gratis ei debet concedi a Maiore, aliquibus de civibus cum Maiore 
presentibus, et terminari, sicut predictum est, per predictos xii viros 
juratos vel per majorem partem illorum, et semper in presentia 



Predicta vero provisio et ordinatio, que Assisa vocata est, talis est, 
ut subnotatur. 

Quando contigit quod duo vicini voluerint hospitare inter se de 
lapide, quilibet eoruni debet prebere pedem et diinidium de terra sua 
et sic construent communi custo murum lapideum inter se spicitudine 
trium pedum et altitudine sexdecim pedum. Stillicidium autem inter 
se, si voluerint, facient communi custo ad aquam de domibus suis re- 
cipiendam et conducendam, sicut melius viderint, expedire. Si vero 
noluerint, potest quilibet eorum per se facere stillicidium ad aquam 
stillantem de domo sua recipiendam super terram suam propriam, 
nisi illam possit in vicum regium perducere. 

Possunt etiam, si in unum consenserint, predictum murum com- 
muni custo exaltare quantum voluerint; et si contigerit quod qui- 
dam velit murum ilium exaltare, alter vero non, bene licet volenti 
super pede suo et dimidio, quantum voluerit, exaltare et super partem 
suam edificare sine dampno alterius, de proprio custo suo ; et aquam 
stillantem, recipiet, sicut predictum est. 

Et si ambo voluerint in muro arcus habere, fiant arcus in utraque 
parte profunditatis tantummodo unius pedis, ita quod spissitudo muri 
inter arcus sic continet unum pedem. Si autem unus voluerit arcum 
habere, alter vero non ; tunc ille qui arcum habere voluerit, inveniet 
liberam petram et illam excidi faciet, et arcus de communi custo 

Et si aliquis velit de lapide hospitare per assisam, et vicinus ejus 
paupertate coactus non poterit vel forsitan noluerit, tunc prebere 
debet per assisam volenti hospitare tres pedes de terra sua, et alter 
faciet murum super terram illam proprio custo suo spissitudinis trium 
pedum et altitudinis sexdecim pedum ; et ille qui terram prebet, debet 
habere dimidium murum absolutum, et desuper pannam suam ponere 
et edificare. Et facient stillicidia ad aquam de domibus suis stillan- 
tem recipiendam et conducendam sicut predictum est. De muro 
vicinorum communi custo constructo semper autem licet volenti par- 
tem suam proprio custo exaltare sine dampno alterius. Si vero arcus 
habere voluerint, fiant in parte utraque, sicut predictum est. Sed 
tamen ille, qui invenerit terram, inveniet liberam petram et illam ex- 
cidi faciet, et alter de proprio custo suo illam assedeat. 

Hec autem assisa non conceditur alicui per quod husseria, introi- 
tus vel exitus, vel schopa ad nocumentum vicini sui extrecietur vel 

Conceditur etiam hec assisa qui illam petierit de terra vicini sui, 
licet ilia fuerit hospitata, si non fuerit hospitata de lapide. 



Si vero aliquis habeat proprium murum lapideum super terrain 
suam propriam, altitudinis sexdecim pedum, vicinus ejus debet facere 
stillicidium sub severunda domus, que sita est super murum ilium, 
et in illo aquam stillantem de dicta domo recipere, et illam conducere 
super terram suam propriam, nisi illam conducere possit in vicum 
regium, et nicliil tamen habere in predicto muro, quando edificaverit 
juxta murum ilium. Et si non edificaverit, semper tamen debet 
aquam stillantem de domo super murum ilium edificata super terram 
suam recipere et conducere sine dampno illius cujus mums est. 

Item nullus illorum, qui habent communem murum lapideum inter 
se constructum, potest nec debet aliquid de parte sua illius muri 
prosternere vel attenuare, nec in ilia arcus ponere sine assensu et 
voluntate alterius. 

Item de cameris necessariis, que sunt in domibus civium, ita 
statutum est et ordinatum, quod fovea in tali camera facta, si vallata 
est muro lapideo debet apertio dicte fovee distare spacio duorum 
pedum et dimidii a terra vicini sui, licet habeat inter se murum com- 
munem. Si autem non sit muro vallata, debet distare per spatium 
trium pedum et dimidii a terra vicini sui. Et super talibus foveis 
assisa prebetur et conceditur unicuique qui earn petierit, et tarn de 
antiquis quam de novis, nisi facte fuissent ante provisionem et ordina- 
tionem predictam, que facta fuit anno primo regni Kegis Eicardi, 
sicut predictum est ; ita quod per visum predictorum xii virorum, vel 
per maiorem partem illorum discussum sit si tales fovee rationabiliter 
facte sint an non. 

Item si aliquis habuerit fenestras versus terram vicini sui, licet 
fuerit in seisinam de visu predictarum fenestrarum per longum tem- 
pus et etiam si predecessores sui fuerunt in seisinam de predictis 
fenestris, tamen bene potest vicinus suus visum illarum fenestrarum 
opturare, edificando ex opposito illarum fenestrarum, vel ponendo 
ibidem super terram suam, sicut melius viderit sibi expedire ; nisi 
ille qui habet fenestras possit ostendere aliquid scriptum, per quod 
ille vicinus non poterit visum illarum fenestrarum opturare. 

Item si aliquis habeat corbellos in muro vicini sui, qui murus totus 
est predicti vicini, ille non potest predictos corbellos amovere, ut illos 
in aliquo alio loco predicti muri ponat, nisi assensu illius, cujus 
murus est, nec plures corbellos quam antea habuit, in predicto muro 

Sciendum est quod si aliquis edificet juxta tenementum vicini sui 
et visum sit dicto vicino ilium injuste et ad dampnum tenementi sui 
ibidem edificare, bene potest edificationem illam impedire, datis vadio 



et plegio Vicecomitibus Civitatis de prosequendo ; et tunc cessabit 
ilia edificatio quousque per xij viros predictos vel per maiorem partem 
illorum discussum sit, si edificatum fuerit injuste vel non. Et tunc 
necesse est ut ille, cujus edificatio impeditur, petat assisam. 

Die auteni statuto et xij viris predictis sunimonitis, debet Maior 
Civitatis cum predictis viris super tenementa illorum inter quos as- 
sisa petitur, accedere, et ibidem secundum visum predictorum xij vi- 
rorum aut maioris partis illorum, auditis hinc hide querimonia con- 
querentis et responso adversarii sui, illud negotium terminare. 

Potest autem uterque pars ad diem statutum se assoniare, et ha- 
bebunt diem a die ilia in quindenam in eodem loco. 

Si vero pars conquerens fecerit defaltam, adversarius suus recedet 
sine die, et plegii conquerentis in misericordia vicecomitum. Si 
autem ille, de quo querimonia facta fuerit, fecerit defaltam, nichilo- 
minus procedet assisa et per considerationem predictorum xii vi- 
rorum vel per maiorem partem illorum ; et quod per illos judicatum 
fuerit debet per vicecomites illi qui fecit defaltam intimari, ut quod 
judicatum fuerit infra xl dies proximo sequentes ad effectum perdu- 

Et sciendum est quotiens predictum judicium infra xl dies non 
fuerit perfectum et super hoc querimonia facta fuerit Maiori Lon- 
doniarum, tunc debent duo viri de assisa vel tres per preceptum 
Maioris ibidem accedere, et si viderint quod ita sit, tunc erit ille 
contra quern assisa processit in misericordia vicecomitis et vicecomes 
proprio custu ipsius illud judicium statim perducere ad effectum 

Item si quis habet murum inter se et vicinum suum construetum, 
in summitate muri panha sua et meremio suo totum coopertum, licet 
vicinus suus habeat in predicto muro corbellos vel trabes ad susten- 
tandum solarium suum, vel etiam arcus sive almaria, qualicunque 
modo ipse vicinus ille habuerit in predicto muro, vel ex concessione 
illius qui murum habet coopertum seu antecessoris sui vel etiam illis 
ingnorantibus, tamen nichil amplius potest in predicto muro exigere 
nec habere quam habet in seisinam, sine assensu illius qui murum 
habet coopertum, et debet recipere aquam stillantem de domo super 
murum edificata sub severunda dicte domus, sicut predictum est in 
hoc libro, et conducere proprio custu suo. 

Item si quis habet duas partes unius muri et vicinus habeat nisi 
tertiam partem, tamen ille vicinus potest super partem suam pannam 
suam ponere et editicare ita libere sicuti ille qui habet duas partes 
muri illius ; et eodem modo debent fieri stillicidia inter ipsos, sicut 



prenotatum est in hoc libro de illis qui habent inter se muram in 
toto communem, sed tamen quod ilia pars sit altitudinis xvi pedum. 

Item sciendum est quod predicta assisa non procedit, nisi testifi- 
catum fuerit quod ille versus quern assisa petitur, fuerit summonitus. 
Et si testificatum fuerit, tunc apparente petente assisam et xii viris 
de assisa vel maiore parte illorum cum Maiore Civitatis procedat as- 
sisa, si ipse summonitus venerit an non. Potest tamen ipse assoniare 
se ad predictam diem et habebit diem usque ad quindenam, sicut pre- 
dictum est. 

Item sciendum est quod si testificatum fuerit per vicecomites quod 
ille versus quern assisa petitur non fuerit in civitate ; tunc eodem die 
remanet assisa, et dicetur per vicecomites illis, qui in tenemento ma- 
nent, de quo assisa petitur, quod ille, cujus tenementum est, sit pre- 
monitus ut veniat a die ilia in quindenam, et tunc, si venerit, an non 
venerit, nec se assoniaverit, procedat assisa. 

Item si contingat quod homines de assisa non venerint super ter- 
rain, de qua assisa petitur, per aliquod impedimentum, tunc necesse 
erit ut ilia assisa de novo petatur vel in Hustingo, vel illo modo, quo 
pro diversitate temporum fieri solet, sicut in hoc libro prenotatur. 
Si ipsi autem super terram venerint, presentibus partibus litigantium, 
et maior pars xii virorum absens fuerit, licet tunc assisa remaneat, 
possunt tamen continuare diem ilium usque in crastinum vel ad quern 
diem voluerint infra quindenam sequentem. 

Memorandum, quod temporibus antiquis major pars civitatis hos- 
pitata fuit de lingno, et domus cooperte de stramine et stipula, et 
de hujusmodi coopertura ; ita quando aliqua domus igne fuerit accensa, 
maxima pars Civitatis illo ingne fuit combusta, sicut contingebat anno 
primo regni Hegis Stephani, ut in cronicis in hoc libro prescriptis 
notatur, scilicet, quod de ingne, qui accensus fuit ad pontem Londo- 
niarum, combusta fuit ecclesia Sancti Pauli, et deinde processit ille 
ignis comburendo domus et edificia usque ad ecclesiam Sancti de- 
mentis Danorum. Postea multi cives ad evitandum tale perieulum 
pro posse suo edificaverunt in fundis suis unam domum lapideam 
spiscis tegulis coopertam et munitam contra sevitiam ignis, uncle 
sepe contingebat quod, quando ignis accensus fuerit in Civitate et 
multa edificia vastaverit et pervenerit ad talem domum, non potens 
ille aliquid nocere, ibidem remansit extinctus, sic quod multe domus 
vicinorum per illam domum ab igne fuerunt omnino salvate. 

Ideo in predicta ordinatione, que assisa vocatur, ordinatum fuit et 
provisum, ut Cives libenti animo hospitarent de petra, quod unus- 
quisque, qui habuerit murum lapideum super terram suam propriam 



altitudinis xvi pedum, ilium possideat ita libere et digne, sicut in hoc 
libro predictum est, videlicet, quod vicinus suus semper debet recipere 
aquam de domo super murum ilium edificata super terram suam, et 
illam conducere proprio custu suo. Et si voluerit bospitare juxta dic- 
tum murum, debet stillicidium suum sub severunda dicte domus 
facere ad aquam recipiendam, ita quod dicta domus remaneat secura 
et defensibilis contra sevitiam ignis advenientis, et sic per earn multe 
domus vicinorum possunt salvari et a violencia ingnis indempnes con- 

Si quis voluerit murum totum super terram suam propriam edifi- 
care, et vicinus suus petat adversus eum assisam, in electione illius 
erit, aut communicare construendo communem murum inter ipsos, 
aut edificare murum super terram suam propriam, et ilium habere et 
possidere ita libere et digne, sicut predictum est. Potest tamen vici- 
nus suus, si voluerit, juxta predictum murum alium talem murum 
edificare et ejusdem altitudinis. Et tunc quidem fient stillicidium 
aut stillicidia inter ipsos eodem modo, sicut predictum est de communi 

Memorandum, quod quotiens viri de assisa venerint super terram 
de qua assisa petitur, partibus litigantium presentibus, semper debet 
unus de predictis exigere versus quern assisa petitur, si sciat aliquid 
dicere per quod assisa debeat remanere. Et si dixerit quod non, 
statim procedit assisa. Si autem dixerit se habere cartam ipsius, qui 
petit assisam vel alicujus antecessoris sui, et illam proferat, ilia sta- 
tim allocetur ei. Set si dicat quod ipse habebit illam cartam ad diem 
et terminum, tunc dabitur ei dies ad quindenam, ad quern diem po- 
terit se assoniare et habebit diem usque ad aliam quindenam. Ad 
quam diem, si proferat illam cartam, allocabitur ei, et si ad predictum 
diem non venerit, seu venerit et cartam non produxerit, statim sine 
ulteriori dilatione procedat assisa. 

Memorandum quod hec assisa omnibus modis ut prenotatur in hoc 
libro, procedit et agendo et defendendo tarn versus illos qui sunt infra 
etatem quam versus alios qui sunt de plena etate ; ita quod propter 
tenerem etatem alicujus assisa predicta non impeditur. Set quia 
talis non habet discretionem quod sciat agere vel defendere in aliquo 
placito, necesse est ut custos illius et ipse conjunctim submoneantur, 
ita quod custos suus omnino respondeat pro eo omnibus modis, quibus 
placitaret, si causa ilia esset sua propria, et tunc quod hide factum 
fuerit per judicium sine reclamatione illius, qui fuerit infra etatem, 
quando ad etatem pervenerit, firmum et stabile permanebit. 

Item si quis fecerit pavimentum in vico regio ad nocumentum Ci- 



vitatis et vicini sui injuste, bene potest ille vicinus illud prohibere per 
ballivos Civitatis, et ita remanebit quousque per viros de assisa sit 
discussum et terminatum. 

Et sciendum quod non pertinet ad viros de assisa ad emendam ali- 
quam occupationem, de qua aliquis habuerit pacificam seisinam per 
unum annum et unum diem. 

London Assise of 1212 from MS. Add. (Brit. Mus.) 14,252, 
fo. 133 b to 134 b. 

Quedam consider atio facta per consilium proborum virorum, factum 
ad sedandam iram et pacificandam civitatem, et contra incendium cum 
Dei adjutorio muniendam. 

In primis consiliunt quod omnes scotale defendantur, nisi de illis 
qui habuerint licentiam per commune consilium civitatis apud Giide- 
halT. preter eos qui volunt edificare de petra ut civitas sit secura. 
Ita quod id quod hide exibit tradatur duobus probis hominibus et per 
eos ponatur in emendationem edificii. Et quod nullus pistor forniat, 
vel braciatrix braciat, de nocte, neque de arundine, vel stramine, vel 
stipula, nisi tantum de bosco. 

De carpentariis. 

Item carpentarii non capiant nisi tres denarios et conredium in die, 
vel quatuor denarios et obolum sine conredio pro omnibus. 

De cementariis et aliis operariis. 

Item cementarii et tegularii capiant idem pretium. Servdentes 
autem predictorum cementariorum et tegulatorum accipiant tres obo- 
los cum conredio vel tres denarios pro omnibus. Sculptores lapidum 
liberorum duos denarios et obolum cum conredio, vel quatuor denarios 
pro omnibus. Item dealbatores et luti appositores, et torchiatores, 
duos denarios cum conredio, vel tres denarios et obolum pro omnibus. 
Servientes illorum tres obolos cum conredio, vel duos denarios et obo- 
lum pro omnibus. Eodiatores, et qui operantur cum civeriis, tres 
obolos cum conredio, vel duos denarios et obolum pro omnibus. 

o o 



De coquinis. 

Item, consulunt quod omnes coquine super Tamisiam dealbeutur 
et plastrieutur intus et extra, et omuia iutus claustra, et diversoria 
pouantur omniuo, ita quod non rernaueat nisi simpliciter domus et 

De Mis qui edificare volunt. 

Quicumque edificare voluerit, videat sicut se et sua diligit, quod 
non cooperiat de arundine, nec de junco, nec de aliquomodo straminis 
neque stipula, nisi sit de tegula, vel cindula, vel bordo, vel si contin- 
git de plumbo, aut et extra detorchiato infra civitatem et Portsokna. 
Item omnes domus que usque nunc sunt cooperte arundine vel junco 
qui possint plastriari plastrieutur infra octo dies, et que infra termi- 
num ita facte non fuerint, per Aldermannum et legales homines de 
visneto prosternantur. 

Omnes domus que sunt proxime domibus lapideis in Eoro que 
sunt de ligno, unde domus lapidee vel Forum sit in periculo, per 
visum majoris et vicecomitum, et proborum virorum civitatis salve 
emendentur, aut, sine omni exceptione cujuscumque sint, proster- 

De excubiis et hits qui vigilant. 

Excubie et qui vigilant de nocte ad civitatem custodiendam exeant 
per diem et redeant per diem, vel illi a quo missi fuerint sint in mise- 
ricordia civitatis de xl. solidis. Et quod omnes domus in quibus for- 
nietur vel bracietur dealbentur et plastrientur intus et extra, ut 
salvum sint contra incendium. 

De operariis qui locandi sunt. 

Omnes operarii et qui locandi sunt si hec predicta non servaverint, 
qui de civitate sint et de Portsokene et id non teneant, tota terra sua 
et domus et catalla penitus amittantur, et integre remaneant ad opus 
civitatis. Et nullus qui sit de civitate vel Portsokne plus illis donet, 
in fide qua deo et civitati tenetur. 

De croco habendo. 

Omnes aldermanni habeant crocum aptum et cordam, et qui non 
habuerit infra terminum positum, sit in misericordia civitatis. Oper- 
arii autem extranei qui veniunt in civitatem, et predictam considera- 



tionem sequi noluerint, corpora eorum atachiantur donee coram ma- 
jore et probis hominibus ducantur, ibique judicium suum audituri. 
Bonum etiam dicunt esse dumtaxat quod coram unaquaque domo 
plena cuva aque adsit, sive lignea sit sive lapidea. 

Hec facta sunt autem anno regis Johannis xiiij . (1212) mense 
Julii die Lune xxiiij a die mensis apud GrildehaH', Henrico filio Ailwini 
tunc majore, ceterisque ejusdem civitatis baronibus ibidem tunc exis- 
tentibus, civitati mederi volentes super infortunium ignis quod ibi 
advenerat in translatione (July 2.) sancti Benedicti per x. dies antea, 
eodem anno et mense, qui ignis inconsolabiliter pontem London', et 
quamplurima nobilium edificia, cum innumerabilibus hominum mu- 
lierumque funeribus, usque ad nichilum destruxit. 

No. II. 

Circa A.D. 1200. 

Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Ailbarnus le Feuprer et ego 
Aldusa uxor ejusdem Ailberni vendidimus et quietum clamavimus ex- 
tra nos et heredes nostros et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus 
Henrico Converso et Margarite uxori ejusdem Henrici et heredibus 
ex eis exeuntibus quoddam mesuagium quod habuimus in parochia 
Sancti Micbaelis in Bassehawe, quod mesuagium hospitari fecimus 
inter domum Walteri Avenarii et domum Bicardi Conversi ; scilicet 
cum uno pariete juxta vicum regium et cum alio pariete versus do- 
mum Walteri Avenarii, et cum alio pariete versus domum Bicardi 
Conversi ; Quicquid in predicta domo babuimus, in lignis et lapi- 
dibus, in parietibus 3, et cameris, in opertoriis b , in omnibus rebus cum 
omnibus pertinentiis suis integre absque omni retenemento. Ha- 
bendum eidem Henrico et Margarete uxori sue et heredibus ex eis 
provenientibus et eorum assignatis extra nos et beredes nostros. Ita 
etiam libere et quiete quod bene licet eis super factum illud aspor- 
tare quandocunque voluerint et ad quemcunque locum voluerint abs- 
que omni impedimento et contradictione. Ego vero Aibarnus pre- 
dictus et ego Aldusa predicta et beredes nostri predictum mesuagium 
scilicet super factum quod in prefato loco posuimus integre cum om- 
nibus pertinentiis suis predicto Henrico et Margarete et beredibus 
ex eis exeuntibus et eorum assignatis finabiliter contra omnes ho- 
mines et feminas warantizare tenemur, et ad majorem securitatem 

The walls were probably of stone, and built according to the assise of 1189. 
b Possibly work-shops. See Du Cange sub voce. 



posuimus in contraplegium omnia catalla nostra que habemus in Ci- 
vitate London' et extra, et presens scriptum sigillis nostris robora- 
vimus. Pro hac vero vendicione quieta clamacione warantizacione 
et presentis carte nostre confirmacione dederunt nobis Henricus et 
Margareta predicti quadraginta solidos esterlingorum, Hiis testibus 
Roberto Capellano &c. 


Circa A.D. 1212. 

Sciant presentes et futuri, quod hec est convencio facta inter Jo- 
hannem Bocquointe et Julianam uxorem suam, et Jobannem filium 
Thome Bermund' et heredes ipsius Johannis Bermund', et inter Re- 
ginaldum de Leges et heredes suos ; scilicet, quod murus unde 
contentio fuit inter eos cum antiquo muro existente retro, debet 
esse communis inter eos, quantum terra predicti Reginaldi continet 
in longitudine usque ad viam que vocatur Athelingestrate, ad fa- 
ciendum ex parte sua, scilicet, ex medietate muri, racionabiliter quod 
ei necesse fuerit ad edificacionem suam, sine dampno et fractura 
muri : tali condicione, quod predictus Reginaldus de Leges et heredes 
sui debent facere inperpetuum gutteram bonam inter predictum Jo- 
hannem filium Thome Bermund' et heredes suos, et eundem Regi- 
naldum et heredes suos, de proprio custo suo, bene et utiliter, per 
totam longitudinem muri predicti. Ita quod predictus Johannes 
filius Thome Bermund', vel heredes sui, inde dampnum non habeant, 
nec predicta Juliana quamdiu vixerit. Si forte contigerit quod pro 
defectu reparacionis predicte guttere predictus Johannes Bermund' 
vel heredes sui, vel predicta Juliana dampnum aliquod incurrerent, 
predictus Reginaldus vel heredes sui totum illud dampnum, predicto 
J ohanni Bermund' et heredibus suis, et predicte Juliane restaurabunt. 
Et predictum murum securum eis de proprio custo reparabunt. Et 
sciendum est quod illud necessarium predicti Reginaldi, quod modo 
ibidem est, remanebit in eodem loco, sine indempnitate muri predicti. 
Ita quod si predictus Johannes Bermund' vel heredes sui, vel predicta 
Juliana aliquod dampnum habiierint de predicto muro per illud ne- 
cessarium, vel causa illius necessarii, prenominatus Reginaldus de 
lieges, vel heredes sui, totum illud dampnum predicto Johanni Ber- 
mund' et heredibus suis, et predicte Juliane restaurabunt, et pre- 
dictum murum securum eis de proprio custo suo reparabunt. Et 
arche que sunt ex alia parte, contra illud necessarium, versus prefatam 
Julianam et predictum Johannem Bermund', debent impleri petra et 
calce competenter. Pro hac autem convencione et warantisione et 



sigillorum suomm appositione, et presentis cyrographi confirmatione, 
dedit predictus Eeginaldus de Leges predicto Johanni Bocquointe, et 
predicte Juliane, et predicto Johanni Bermund', quatnor marcas et 
dimidiam argenti, et invenit plenarie medietatem reparationis novi 
muri. Hanc igitur convencionem fideliter ex utraque parte tenen- 
dam predictus Johannes Bocquointe, et predicta Juliana, et predictus 
Johannes Berniund' pro se et pro heredibus suis, et prenominatus 
Eeginaldus de Leges pro se et pro heredibus suis, sine fraude affida- 
verunt. Hiis testibus : domino Eogero filio Alani, Majore London' ; 
Constantino filio Alulphi, aldermanno ; et aliis. 


Circa A.D. 1212. 

Sciant omnes presentes et futuri, quod ego Eobertus Camerarius 
concessi et dimisi Eandulfo fratri Eustacii quandam domum meam, 
scilicet, illam domum in qua predictus Eandulfus manet, totum ma- 
nagium, scilicet, quod ipse tenet de me, in ligno et lapide ; habendam 
et tenendam de me et heredibus meis, illi et heredibus suis, in feodo 
et hereditate et finabiliter ; reddendo unoquoque anno mihi, vel he- 
redibus meis, xxij. solidos, duobus terminis anni, scilicet, infra octabas 
Pasche xj. solidos, et infra octabas Sancti Michaelis xj. solidos, omni 
occasione remota. Et ita, quod ego vel heredes mei non poterimus 
hoc predictum tenementum vendere, nec expendere, nec invadiare, 
nisi solummodo hos predictos xxij. solidos. Neque ilium vel heredes 
suos poterimus dehospitare, propter me, vel propter heredes meos, 
hospitare. Nec ego vel heredes mei poterimus ilium visum qui est 
de veteri domo, quam ipse tenet de me, obstupare, nec superius nec 
inferius. Nec ego vel heredes mei poterimus amplius exigere de 
consu a predicto Eandulfo, vel heredibus suis, nisi solummodo hos 
xxij. solidos prenominatos. Nec ego vel heredes mei poterimus pre- 
dictum Eandulfum vel heredes suos implacitare de aqua que cadit de 
veteri domo sua versus occidentem. Et Eandulfus affidavit legaliter 
fidem mihi et heredibus meis de.toto isto tenemento prenominato. 
Et propter hanc conventionem et concessionem dedit mihi Eandulfus 
in gersummam xl. solidos, et uxori mee j bisantum auri, et primo- 
genito filio meo j. bisantum auri. Et si forte evenerit quod Ean- 
dulfus vel heredes sui velint relinquere feodum suum et tenementum, 
debent mihi reddere vel heredibus meis tenementum illud, tain bene 
herbergatum in ligno et lapide, sicut ipse Eandulfus recepit de Will- 
elmo Camerario patre meo. Hiis testibus: Stephano, sacerdote de 
Sancto Thoma; Eicardo Brit ; Johanne Buc; [et multis aliis]. 




A.D. 1217—1218. 

Hec est convencio facta inter Eobertum filium Simonis et Eegi- 
naldum de Lyeng', scilicet, quod predictus Eeginaldus et heredes sui, 
de custo suo, inperpetuum facient et reparabunt stillicidium plumbeum 
quantum mums lapideus extenditur quern idem Eobertus totum fecit 
super terrain quam Eeginaldus Timbermongre ei liberavit ad ilium 
murum construendum inter eos versus orientem, scilicet terre ipsius 
Eoberti, et ita debent facere et reparare stillicidium illud de plumbo, 
ne idem Eobertus vel heredes sui in aliquo tempore proinde damnum 
incurrant. Predictus eciam Eeginaldus et heredes sui habebunt tan- 
turn in predicto muro decern corbellos, et in muro dicti Eoberti versus 
aquilonem duos corbellos tantum. Ita quod illi duodecim corbelli non 
sint majoris altitudinis a terra quam octo pedes, et, illis deficientibus, 
non poterunt nec debent alios grossiores nec grandiores, altius vel 
inferius, nec alibi ponere vel habere quam alii fuerunt die quo hec 
convencio facta fuit. Et idem Eeginaldus et heredes sui non poterunt 
nec debent amplius habere nec clamare in predicto muro lapideo ver- 
sus orientem terre dicti Eoberti quam rebatum suum tantum, cum 
decern corbellis ut dictum est sitis, quam scilicet rebatum idem Ee- 
ginaldus et heredes sui si voluerint, et facultatem ad hoc habuerint, 
poterunt exaltare de tribus pedibus, ita tamen quod non poterunt 
obturare visum fenestre de coquina dicti Eoberti. Preterea dictus 
Eeginaldus et heredes sui finabiliter debent recipere aquam deciden- 
tem de coquina et bracino dicti Eoberti, quantum, scilicet, munis 
lapideus ejusdem coquine extendit in longitudine. Et preterea dictus 
Eobertus concessit eidem Eeginaldo et heredibus suis quod, si volu- 
erint, exaltent rebatum suum de tribus pedibus versus aquilonem 
dicte coquine et bracini dicti Eoberti. Ita tamen quod aquam inde 
decidentem, ut dictum est, recipiant. Et de muro superiori versus 
occidentem inter terrain dicti Eoberti et terram ipsius Eeginaldi, 
medietas erit dicti Eoberti et heredum suorum, et altera medietas 
dicti Eeginaldi et heredum suorum. Preterea dictus Eeginaldus et 
heredes sui habebunt foveam camere private sue in eodem loco quo 
fuit die quo hec convencio facta est. Et si aliam alibi facere volu- 
erint, ita faciant quod non sit prope murum dicti Eoberti nec he- 
redum suorum de tribus pedibus largiter. Si autem dictus murus 
per forisfactum dicti Eoberti vel heredum suorum, vel per foveam 
camere private, vel aliquo alio casu cecidit vel devastaverit, pactum 
est quod illud emendari vel reparari faciant. It si murus ille per 



forisfactum dicti Reginaldi vel heredum suorum, vel per foveam ca- 
mere private, vel aliquo alio casu cecidit vel devastaverit, pactum est 
quod idem B-egmaldus vel heredes sui illud emendari et reparari fa- 
ciaut. Hanc couveucionem fideliter et sine malo ingenio tenendam 
quilibet eorum alteri pro se et suis heredibus affidavit, et sigillo suo 
confirmavit. Hiis testibus ; Martino filio Alicie, Aldermanno ; Ser- 
lone Mercero ; Willelmo de Ely ; [et aliis]. Actum fuit ix. Kalendis 
Aprilis, presentibus predictis, anno regni Henrici regis secundo. 



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